Article, Global

National Contact Point: The limits of dialogue

09.10.2017, Corporate responsibility

Economic associations are opposed to the introduction of civil liability for business-related human rights violations and environmental degradation, as proposed under the Responsible Business Initiative; they point to National Contact Point.

Laurent Matile
Laurent Matile

Expert on Enterprises and Development

National Contact Point: The limits of dialogue

Where people are dwarfed by machines. Photo: At Zambia's Mopani copper mine owned by the Glencore group, some 4,000 tonnes of copper ore are brought to the surface daily. © Meinrad Schade

It should be recalled that governments that have adhered to the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, Switzerland among them, have undertaken to set up a National Contact Point (NCP), which is a non-judicial grievance mechanism whose structure and functioning vary from country to country. The primary function of the NCP is to promote the OECD Guidelines and receive complaints regarding the non-observance of the Guidelines by enterprises.

In Switzerland, the powers and functions of the National Contact Point are laid out in a Federal Council Ordinance, which tasks it, among other things, with “handling specific instances raised regarding presumed breaches of the OECD Guidelines by enterprises and to act as a mediator between the parties”.

An individual or a group may “raise specific instances” with the Swiss NCP, which is empowered, inter alia, to handle issues raised concerning the activities of Swiss enterprises established in non-OECD countries, quite likely in developing countries. Institutionally, the Swiss NCP is attached to the State Secretariat for the Economy (SECO) and has been assisted since 2013 by an Advisory Board composed of 14 members representing the Federal Administration, employers' federations and trade associations, trade unions, NGOs and academia. The NCP Procedural Guidance states that the NCP serves as a “platform for dialogue and mediation” between the parties involved, with a view to helping them resolve the dispute at hand. The NCP may itself conduct the dialogue or seek the assistance of an intermediary or an external mediator. Remarkably, however, “participation in this dialogue is not obligatory”.

Shortcomings and weaknesses of the NCP

The (sole) mission of the NCP is to encourage dialogue between the parties and not that of determining whether the OECD Guidelines have been breached. The NCP may not comment on the possible non-observance of the Guidelines by a multinational enterprise.

In its present form, the Swiss NCP confines itself to providing a platform for dialogue and mediation between the parties to a conflict. Besides, participation in this dialogue is not mandatory and the NCP has no means of persuading or compelling enterprises to take part in it. As such, it is a voluntary mediation procedure that therefore depends on the good will and good faith of enterprises that submit to it. Indeed, mediation is by nature consensual and does no more than offer the parties the chance – but does not require them – to take part in a process of assisted dialogue to settle a dispute.

Regarding the efficiency and efficacy of the Swiss NCP, the main weaknesses in its current structure and functioning are the following:

  • Its lack of institutional independence – being attached to SECO – unlike other NCPs that operate as entities independent of the government, one example being that of Norway, which comprises four independent experts;
  • stringent confidentiality requirements, or the lack of public access to the procedure;[1]
  • the paucity of resources provided to enable the poorest population groups (mainly) in developing countries who are harmed by the activities of multinational enterprises with headquarters in Switzerland to participate fully in the mediation procedure launched by the NCP (specifically to cover the costs of translation and travel for the communities concerned);
  • the absence of conclusions in the "final statements" from specific instances regarding the violation of the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises and the absence of clear recommendations on measures expected of enterprises to ensure full observance of those Guidelines;
  • the absence of a supervisory body (independent body with decision-making power), as the Advisory Board, with its vague mandate, does not fulfil these conditions;
  • the lack of material consequences for enterprises in the event of non-participation or bad faith during the proceedings, unlike the case of Canada's NCP which may withhold any commercial support abroad from the companies concerned, or which considers the attitude of enterprises when they wish to access credit/export support.

Complementarity between NCP and access to civil justice

By itself, a platform for dialogue and mediation would not be able to guarantee “Access to remedy” as called for in the third pillar of the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. In fact, these principles affirm that “States should provide (…) non-judicial grievance mechanisms, alongside judicial mechanisms, as part of a comprehensive State-based system for the remedy of business-related human right abuses” (UNGP, 27). The same complementarity is being sought through Recommendation CM/Rec(2016)3 of the Committee of Ministers to Member States of the Council of Europe, whose chapter on civil liability for business-related human rights abuses provides that «Member States should apply such legislative or other measures as may be necessary to ensure that human rights abuses caused by business enterprises within their jurisdiction give rise to civil liability under their respective laws» (§32) and that Member States should consider allowing their domestic courts to exercise jurisdiction over civil claims concerning business-related human rights abuses against subsidiaries, wherever they are based, of business enterprises domiciled within their jurisdiction if such claims are closely connected with civil claims against the latter enterprises (§35).

In this regard, the Federal Council itself recalls, in its National Action Plan for the implementation of the aforementioned UN Guiding Principles adopted in December 2016, the importance of effective national judicial mechanisms in deciding on material consequences and compensation when dealing with business-related human rights violations.

The mechanism for “raising specific instances” provided by the Swiss NCP is no more than a voluntary mediation procedure, as it has no power to rule on the violation of the OECD Guidelines or impose material consequences. It cannot therefore substitute for effective access to legal remedy before a judicial body that is competent to rule on the existence of business-related human rights abuses and impose adequate indemnification as called for under the Responsible Business Initiative.

 

[1] The NCP procedures remain confidential during the mediation process. The parties involved must also respect this confidentiality and may not make public any information during proceedings (NCP Specific Instance Procedure, paragraph 3.5). Norway, in contrast, allows public access to all information concerning an ongoing procedure, pursuant to the Norwegian Freedom of Information Act.

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The Alliance Sud magazine analyses and comments on Switzerland's foreign and development policies. "global" is published four times a year (in german and french) and can be subscribed to free of charge.

Opinion

On a lorry tyre towards an uncertain future

02.10.2023, Other topics

Cuba is in the grip of its worst economic crisis since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Yet, many Cubans blame their own government rather than the US embargo or the impacts of the pandemic.

On a lorry tyre towards an uncertain future

© Karin Wenger

Press release

Switzerland is living at the world's expense

06.04.2022, 2030 Agenda

Switzerland is not on course for a sustainable world. That's the verdict from Platform Agenda 2030 in its new report, out today. It is calling upon the Federal Council to show more leadership in the transformation needed.

Switzerland is living at the world's expense

© Silvia Rohrbach / Plattform Agenda 2030

Switzerland is not on course for a sustainable world. That's the verdict from Platform Agenda 2030 in its new report, out today. It is calling upon the Federal Council to show more leadership in the transformation needed to halve poverty, protect the climate and human rights, and hold the financial sector to account.

Platform Agenda 2030 is a network of more than 50 organisations from the fields of the environment, development cooperation, human rights, sustainable business, gender, peace, housing and work. Seven years after the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development was adopted in New York it has been taking stock. The verdict? Switzerland is not on course to achieve the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). We are living at the world's expense. Yet to date the Federal Council has not presented any strategy for managing the vital transformation to an economy that respects planetary boundaries. In Switzerland and around the world, people are prevented from exercising their basic rights. Hunger and poverty are rising.

To achieve the 17 SDGs all policy fields must be clearly focused on the Goals and on the ambitions of the 2030 Agenda. We are calling for rapid, efficient action to tackle the deficits that have been identified. Part of this must be a strategy that maps out how poverty in Switzerland can be halved by 2030. Or an ambitious biodiversity action plan that commits enough funding to halting species loss. The financial markets also need statutory frameworks so that investment becomes a factor protecting biodiversity and human rights. And there must be greater engagement to counter militarisation and support human security around the world.

Platform Agenda 2030 is calling on the Federal Council to show more leadership for sustainable development. It must find the courage required to develop solutions that are truly transformational. Cosmetic amendments that merely throw an SDG-hued cloak over business as usual are not enough. Real transformation is needed to make the move to a sustainable society.

Platform Agenda 2030 is presenting its civil society report at the UN High Level Political Forum, that is taking place from July 5 to 15 in New York. In doing so it is offering its own analyses and recommendations for action as a counterpart to Switzerland's official Voluntary National Review, which Federal Councillor Ignatio Cassis will submit to the Forum on 12 July. We invite the Federal Council to work with us in revising the national 2030 Sustainable Development Strategy and the associated Action Plan.

 

Platform Agenda 2030's civil society report is available online to download

Article, Global

Spillovers: Switzerland's inglorious role

17.03.2022, 2030 Agenda

Switzerland's many negative spillovers include environmental pollution, arms exports and tax evasion – and they are undermining international efforts to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals.

 

Laura Ebneter
Laura Ebneter

Expert on international cooperation

Spillovers: Switzerland's inglorious role

International Spillover Index
© Sustainable Development Report 2021

The globalised exchange of goods, capital and information has increased exponentially in recent years. This exchange also means that supposedly local decisions can have global implications. The year-round consumption of tomatoes, cucumbers and aubergines in Switzerland, for example, directly impacts Europe's vegetable gardens in southern Spain, where massive amounts of groundwater and pesticides are used to produce food under dubious conditions. Such effects are called 'spillovers'. The term is applied when specific actions in one country produce adverse effects in other countries and further hamper their progress towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals.

The UN 2030 Agenda, which encompasses 17 Sustainable Development Goals, attempts to take account of these spillover effects. In today's interdependent and interconnected world, all UN Member States in 2015 committed to implementing the 2030 Agenda. How can individual countries implement the Agenda in a globalised world? There is no way around spillovers in that process.

In the Sustainable Development Report (SDR) published annually by authors associated with US economist Jeffrey D. Sachs, all 193 UN Member States are ranked according to their spillover performance. Spillovers are classified into the three dimensions of 'Environmental & social impacts embodied into trade', 'Economy & finance', and 'Security'. In the latest 2021 ranking, Switzerland occupies an inglorious 161st place. The only countries more poorly rated for their spillover effects are the United Arab Emirates, Luxembourg, Guyana and Singapore. In the European ranking, Switzerland comes 30th among 31 countries. How could Switzerland, the model pupil, possibly do so badly?

Environmental and social impacts embodied into trade

Trade-related spillovers encompass international effects bound up with the use of natural resources, environmental pollution, and the social impacts stemming from goods and services consumption. Switzerland does very badly when it comes to imports of virtual water, nitrogen, nitrogen dioxide and carbon dioxide, and endangering the biodiversity of ecosystems. These partly invisible by-products arise all along the value chain, in connection with the production and use of pesticides and fertilisers, irrigation, and the use of combustion engines for production and transport, among many other things. Anyone who is reluctant to believe the international figures may also refer to MONET 2030, the Federal Statistical Office's national indicator system. There too, nothing foreshadows any reduction of the substantial material footprint or the greenhouse gas footprint.

Small, resource-poor countries are obviously dependent on goods and services from abroad. This makes it all the more important for these trading relations to be sustainable. The Federal Council's response to an interpellation by National Councillor Roland Fischer (Green Liberal Group, glp) on reducing Switzerland's spillover effects is as modest as its reduction of its footprint. Switzerland is advocating for the UN to set ambitious goals for sustainable consumption and production patterns. The country is also championing the circular economy, and relevant measures are to be drawn up by the end of 2022. It remains to be seen whether they will bring about any significant reduction of Switzerland's material and greenhouse gas footprint.

International efforts to establish sustainable value chains are much more promising. The recently adopted UN Human Rights Council Resolution is expected to formalise the basic right to a safe, clean, healthy and sustainable environment (see also here). France's loi relative au devoir de vigilance and Germany's Lieferkettengesetz show both countries to be pursuing similar aims. By comparison, it is becoming clear that the counterproposal to the Responsible Business Initiative will not "achieve" much more than glossy brochures of no consequence, put out by the marketing departments of major corporations.

Economy and finance

As regards ‘Economy and finance’, Switzerland's performance is poor to very poor for all four indicators. The problems are obvious. At 0.48 per cent of gross national income (GNI), official development assistance is still below the 0.7 per cent enshrined in the 2030 Agenda. The Swiss financial centre remains a safe haven for tax dodgers. Automatic exchange of information on financial accounts is taking place on a limited basis only. And finally, multinational corporations in Switzerland are still able to optimise taxes at the expense of the poorest. In the absence of specific measures to combat tax avoidance and profit-shifting by companies to low-tax jurisdictions, Switzerland is failing to fulfil its responsibility toward poorer countries.

Security

The third area, that of ‘security’, encompasses the potential negative and destabilising repercussions of arms exports on poor countries. In this area too, Switzerland performs rather poorly owing to its weapons exports. Since the SDR was published, however, there has been an initial step in the right direction, in that the counterproposal to the Corrective Initiative (Korrektur-Initiative) ensures that no war materiel is exported to countries engaged in civil war or where there are systematic and grave human rights abuses. The export regime is being enshrined in law, thereby placing the necessary democratic control over war materiel exports in the hands of the people and the Parliament.

The significant role of little Switzerland

The Sustainable Development Report attracts repeated criticism for insufficient and incomplete data and the choice of indicators. Yet this should not distract from the global responsibility incumbent on Switzerland's lawmakers, domestic economy, and people. All stakeholders must ensure that Switzerland's policy decisions contribute to global sustainable development and not to water pollution, poverty or population displacements. In the final analysis, not only do spillovers from rich OECD countries adversely impact other countries, they also hamper international efforts to achieve the 2030 Agenda.

Laura Ebneter, JPO at Alliance Sud

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The Alliance Sud magazine analyses and comments on Switzerland's foreign and development policies. "global" is published four times a year (in german and french) and can be subscribed to free of charge.

Article

«Inequalities are rooted in the system»

21.06.2021, Finance and tax policy, 2030 Agenda

Stefano Zamagni, Italian economist and President of the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences, explains in an interview why a new beginning with the civil economy can no longer be postponed.

«Inequalities are rooted in the system»

© Vincenzo Pinto / AFP210

Corporate responsibility

Corporate responsibility

Many European countries already have laws requiring corporations to observe human rights and international environmental standards also in their operations abroad. The European Union too plans to pass a law on corporate social responsibility. This will soon make Switzerland the only country in Europe without corporate social responsibility.

What it is about >

What it is about

Recent years have witnessed a clear trend towards the binding implementation of the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises. Many European countries already have legislation requiring corporations to respect human rights and international environmental standards also in their business dealings in other countries. At the EU level, the legislative process is now under way to introduce an EU-wide corporate social responsibility law.

It is expected to take effect in the spring of 2024. With its minimal and ineffective counterproposal to the Responsible Business Initiative, Switzerland is lagging ever further behind. Swiss civil society is therefore maintaining the pressure on the Government and Parliament to bring in Swiss legislation that is aligned with the EU standard as soon as possible.

2030 Agenda

Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)

Alliance Sud advocates for Swiss policies that are coherent across all subject areas and systematically aligned with the 2030 Agenda.

What it is about >

What it is about

Alliance Sud advocates for Swiss policies that are coherent across all subject areas and systematically aligned with the 2030 Agenda. Adopted by 193 Heads of State in the autumn of 2015, this framework for a new "world domestic policy" lays out 17 Sustainable Development Goals. They represent a lasting and equitable balance between the social, environmental and economic realms – today and for future generations. In this respect, the onus rests equally on the North and the South; global and national interests ought not to be played off against one another. In conjunction with Swiss non-governmental organisations, Alliance Sud is calling for the coherent and comprehensive implementation of the 2030 Agenda.

Other topics

Other topics

There is no master plan for an equitable transition and a globally sustainable Switzerland; we need countless experiments, search processes, projects, new alliances and political debates, from the grassroots to international global governance forums. Alliance Sud therefore deals also with the following topics:

© Silvia Rohrbach / Platform 2030 Agenda

2030 Agenda

© Koalition für Konzernverantwortung

Corporate responsibility

Publikationstyp

Article, Global

Defeating a hurricane with a fan

07.12.2021, 2030 Agenda

In his books on the African continent and the countries of Latin America, Sami Tchak explores the battle against poverty, modern slavery and prostitution, among other topics. Interview with Lavinia Sommaruga.

Defeating a hurricane with a fan

Sami Tchak, pseudonym of Sadamba Tcha-Koura (1960), is a Togolese writer who studied philosophy at the University of Lomé.
© Francesco Gattoni

global: You have written an article published in a new Italian-language volume that recounts the history of Africa beyond the stereotypes.  In your contribution you reflect on the connection between language and literature and focus on the central topic in relations between Europe and the African continent: colonisation. Can you tell us something about that?

Sami Tchak: My research is premised on the notion that literature emanates from the heart of a people and is created in the dominant language or one of the languages they speak. However, African literature as we know it today arose mainly from European languages, the languages of the colonisers. Admittedly there are writings in African languages but they are barely known internationally or even nationally. The problem that I see is that our literature is too strongly foreign-oriented and is not locally rooted enough.

Could it be said that the colonial past is the unifying feature of the African continent with all its diversity?
The colonial past is not the binding element for African traditions, as these civilisations, societies and languages maintained links amongst themselves long before the colonisers arrived. What binds these diverse identities is what I would call their spirituality. The content of their beliefs, the connection between the living and the dead – that is all similar. One could speak of the spiritual cultural unity of an extremely diverse continent. In my novels I describe my human impressions, which I have garnered, among other places, in Latin America. In the novel “Al Capone le Malien”, for example, I talk about the ancient Malian kingdom, of which the inherent logic was similar to that of all ancient kingdoms of the African continent, in other words before colonialism became a “new” common feature. Or rather, the commonality of these so-called colonial or postcolonial States is the western way of thinking that was imposed on them.

You have also visited Latin America: are there commonalities there with Africa’s colonial past?
Yes. The first commonality is to be found in the African population groups which also found their way into this region through slavery. They have preserved elements of their African culture of origin. They no longer speak the original languages, of course, but have preserved traditions and religions like voodoo or Candomblé. These Latin American countries often confront problems similar to those facing African States, for example dictators.

In your view, which are the problems that should be high on the agenda of lobbying and advocacy NGOs like Alliance Sud, which for the past 50 years has been championing the cause of the poorest in the South?
That is a delicate subject. When we talk about the poorest people in the South, we often overlook the systemic components. Poverty is an outcome of today’s world order and it will continue – no matter how hard we try – for as long as society does not change. And this is not predictable, because the capitalist system as it currently operates is reinforcing these inequalities and hence perpetuating poverty. This does not mean, however that we should be mere passive observers. In one of my books, I liken the fight against poverty to the attempt to overcome a hurricane with a hand-held fan. To an outside observer, this may seem laughable, but precisely because there are people who believe that they can vanquish a hurricane with a hand-held fan, the world can change.

And this only through structural change?
Direct aid to poor people does not necessarily bring changes with it. Yet we must help these people as a matter of urgency! But the real struggle is managing to convince Western countries to rethink their relations, for example, with African countries. These relations must be made equitable.

Can associations, non-governmental organisations and foundations therefore exert pressure on States (both Western and African) to usher in a global transformation?
I don’t know. As long as the system remains the same, it will produce poverty. The system needs poverty. Today’s system works because there are poor people. All around the world we are witnessing the emergence of a phenomenon which I call “disposable labour”. The expression is used in Colombia, for example – I write about it in my novel titled “Filles de Mexico”. It refers to poor enslaved people who are fungible. This means they may come from anywhere in the world, to be exploited anywhere. The new poor are even willing to pay to be exploited. When people pay to cross the oceans, then they are paying to be enslaved! For as long as there is no change in the relations between States, the well-known problems will not be solved. It is in national and international politics, in worldwide geopolitics that the changes must take place.

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The Alliance Sud magazine analyses and comments on Switzerland's foreign and development policies. "global" is published four times a year (in german and french) and can be subscribed to free of charge.