Article

Driver of development, neo-colonialism – or both?

09.12.2019, Trade and investments

With the Belt and Road Initiative, China is pushing global development in a manner unparalleled to date. But how sustainable are the “new silk roads”? Switzerland wants a piece of the cake and has signed a memorandum of understanding with China.

Isolda Agazzi
Isolda Agazzi

Expert on trade and investment policy / Media relations French-speaking part of Switzerland

Driver of development, neo-colonialism – or both?

Military honours for the Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban at the Belt and Road Forum 2017 in front of the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, China.
© Andy Wong / AP / Keystone

Article

Tanzania plans to work the largest nickel deposit

19.03.2021, Trade and investments

The Tanzanian Government has signed an agreement on nickel mining with a British corporation under which profits will be split equally. State interventions can also be observed in neighbouring Zambia.

Isolda Agazzi
Isolda Agazzi

Expert on trade and investment policy / Media relations French-speaking part of Switzerland

Tanzania plans to work the largest nickel deposit

Two fishermen row in front of the Marshall Islands-flagged oil tanker "Miracle" after it ran aground in the mouth of Dar Es Salaam harbor on February 13, 2016.
© Daniel Hayduk / AFP

Article

Switzerland must withdraw from the Energy Charter

05.12.2022, Trade and investments

The Energy Charter Treaty protects companies that invest in fossil fuels. A growing number of countries are withdrawing from it, while Switzerland continues to thwart the energy transition.

Isolda Agazzi
Isolda Agazzi

Expert on trade and investment policy / Media relations French-speaking part of Switzerland

Switzerland must withdraw from the Energy Charter

The Nord Stream gas pipeline leak in the Baltic Sea, photographed by the Pleiades Neo satellites.
© AFP Photo / Airbus DS 2022 / Keystone

The Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) has been in force since 1998 and forms the basis on which companies can sue a State if they believe that their investments have made a loss owing to some government intervention. Most of the 53 signatory States are industrialized countries like Switzerland and the EU Member States, but countries like Afghanistan, Yemen, Mongolia and some in Central Asia are also on board.

In 2019, for example, Nord Stream 2 AG filed a suit against the EU decision relating to an EU Gas Directive amendment under which intra-EU pipelines would be subject to the same rules that govern those coming from outside the EU. According to the company, these provisions conflicted, among other things, with the principles of fair and equitable treatment, most-favoured nation treatment and indirect appropriation, all of which are envisaged in the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT).

Let us recall that Nord Stream 2 was meant to transport natural gas from Russia to Germany, but the operating company – a Swiss company – went bankrupt early this year. It did in fact belong to the Russian state-owned company Gazprom, but was headquartered in Zug. The controversial pipeline never began operations, as Germany blocked the project on 22 February 2022 following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Six complaints by Swiss investors

Of the 43 known requests for arbitration filed by Swiss investors, six are based on the Energy Charter Treaty: three were brought against Spain. Of these, two are still pending, while the decision went in favour of the investor OperaFund in the other. OperaFund had accused Madrid of introducing reforms affecting the renewables sector, including a 7 per cent tax on power generators’ revenues and a reduction in subsidies for renewable energy producers. Alpiq lost a case against Romania, while another against Poland was decided against Swiss investor Festorino.

According to Transnational Institute calculations compensation claims by foreign investors are at least EUR 7 million. It is no surprise therefore that Germany, Spain, France, Poland and the Netherlands have decided to denounce the Treaty. Oher European countries are currently pondering withdrawal. "I am observing with concern the return of hydrocarbons and the fossil fuels most damaging to the environment," French President Emmanuel Macron is quoted as saying in the "Le Monde" newspaper "The war on European soil should not make us forget our climate obligations and our commitment to reducing CO2 emissions. Withdrawing from this treaty is part of the strategy."

According to the latest figures published by the Energy Charter Secretariat, 142 complaints have been filed on the basis of this Treaty; the number could be far greater, however, as States are not required to notify them. The Treaty therefore breaks all records in terms of complaints filed. Germany, for example, has been sued twice over its decision to give up atomic power: in the case "Vattenfall v. Germany (I)", the amount of the compensation paid by Berlin to the Swedish company is not known; in the case of " Vattenfall v. Germany (II)", the Swedish company received USD 1.721 billion in compensation.

Switzerland unwilling to withdraw

Switzerland, for its part, has so far never been sued on the basis of the ECT. Only a single investment arbitration case has been brought against the country – by an investor from the Seychelles – albeit not based on the ECT. It is still pending. Is Switzerland considering denouncing the treaty? "No", replies John Christophe Füeg, Head of International Energy Affairs in the Swiss Federal Office of Energy, and adds: "The Treaty's critics are overlooking the fact that it applies only to foreign investments. In other words, domestic investments or those from non-signatory states are not covered by it."

In his view, the latest version of this Charter, adopted by Switzerland, should drastically reduce the number of cases and limit the scope of the Treaty. “The EU will now count as a single party, which means that complaints by investors within the EU are now out of the question”, he adds. Consequently, the ECT becomes a treaty with effect in the EU, the United Kingdom, Japan, Turkey, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Switzerland; the remaining parties have virtually no investors. But the fact is that more than 95 per cent of fossil fuel investments in the EU are either internal EU investments, or made by non-contracting parties. This, for example, enables some EU Member States to merrily continue promoting hydrocarbons (e.g., Cyprus, Romania, Greece and the Netherlands). “The argument to the effect that withdrawal is crucial to climate protection is not acceptable, as less than 5 per cent of investments in fossil fuels is impacted. The remaining 95 per cent is beyond the scope of the Treaty."

According to Füeg, a survey was also conducted amongst Swiss investors with assets in the EU. The respondents indicated that they value the legal protection they enjoy under the ECT. "Switzerland would harm its own interests by withdrawing", he concludes.

Adapting the Treaty is not enough

But even the modernised version of the Charter, which is insufficient to combat climate change, is not about to enter into force. Although it was due to be approved by the States Parties at a meeting on 22 November in Ulan Bator, Mongolia, the modernisation was taken off the agenda after EU Member States failed to agree.

For Alliance Sud, Switzerland should join the other European countries that have already taken the step and leave this treaty, which allows a foreign investor to sue a host state for any regulatory change – closure of a coal-fired power plant, exit from nuclear power, change of regulation in renewable energies, etc. – and thus hinders the energy transition and the fight against climate change. It is not acceptable for foreign investors in fossil fuels to be above national laws and to have recourse to a private justice system that too often awards them millions or even billions in damages.

Article

Making (even more) money from the corona crisis

05.10.2020, Trade and investments

In Latin America, multinational enterprises are suing States over measures they have taken to combat the covid 19 pandemic. Investment protection treaties that allow this should be abolished!

Isolda Agazzi
Isolda Agazzi

Expert on trade and investment policy / Media relations French-speaking part of Switzerland

Making (even more) money from the corona crisis

Lunch break at the company K. P. Textil in San Miguel Petapa in Guatemala. After the Covid 19 eruption, Plexiglas panels were installed to protect against infection.
© Moises Castillo / AP / Keystone

It was to be feared, and it has now become reality. As revealed by the Transnational Institute, Peru, Mexico and Argentina constitute at least three Latin American countries threatened with lawsuits before arbitral tribunals over measures they have introduced to fight the corona crisis. What exactly has taken place? In early April, when growing numbers of Peruvians risked losing their jobs, the Peruvian Parliament adopted a law suspending highway tolls in an attempt to facilitate or promote the movement of goods and people. The reaction of the foreign companies that hold the corresponding highway concessions was not long in coming. As early as June they announced that Peru would be brought before a World Bank arbitral tribunal (ICSID — International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes). This scared the Minister for Economic Affairs into launching a process to circumvent the law and maintain the toll charges, despite the potential unconstitutionality of that process. This is known as the chilling effect: fearful of the prospect of having to pay rather hefty compensation to the foreign investor — plus court costs — a government renounces a measure it has taken in the public interest. Peru’s Constitutional Court must now rule on the legality of the executive climb-down, and depending on the decision, the complaining parties will decide whether or not to take their case to the arbitral tribunal.

Mexico and Argentina in the hot seat

Shortly thereafter it was Mexico's turn to irk foreign investors by restricting the production of renewable energies owing to a drop in power consumption. Several law firms specialising in international arbitration immediately encouraged the foreign energy companies concerned to bring a potentially lucrative action against Mexico. Spanish and Canadian companies have already expressly raised this possibility. Lastly, there is the case of Argentina, which is sinking ever deeper into a never-ending crisis. On 22 May the government announced that it was defaulting on its debts to foreign creditors, including BlackRock, the world's largest asset management company. With the blessing of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), negotiations were also taking place on the rescheduling of 66 billion US dollars of sovereign debt. On 4 August, Argentina announced its readiness to pay 54.8 per cent of its debt – BlackRock had demanded 56 per cent and Argentina had initially offered 39 per cent. This capitulation was no chance matter. On 17 June, BlackRock's law firm White and Case had threatened to use all means at its disposal to force Argentina to back down – a thinly veiled reference to international arbitration. It was the same law firm that had successfully sued the Argentine State for 1.35 billion US dollars on behalf of 60,000 Italian bondholders in 2016. In what is known as the Abaclat case, they had rejected the bond exchange offer launched by the government in its endeavour to deal with the 2001 economic crisis.

When multinationals go treaty shopping

Still in Latin America, and more specifically in Bolivia, there are two arbitration proceedings pending between the State and Glencore, the commodity trading company domiciled in Switzerland. In the light of the pandemic, Bolivia had requested the temporary suspension of arbitral proceedings in two mining disputes. Invoking force majeure, La Paz argued that the pandemic was hindering the Bolivian Government from submitting the requisite documentation. Yet it failed. What is noteworthy is that the Glencore lawsuits are not based on the investment protection treaty between Switzerland and Bolivia, as that treaty had been renounced by the Andean country, like other developing and emerging countries (Ecuador, Indonesia, India, South Africa). For the arbitration proceedings, Glencore managed to identify itself as a British company and invoked an investment protection treaty between Great Britain and Bolivia. This approach is by no means unusual and in expert circles is beautifully termed "treaty shopping". This means that a multinational invokes the international treaty that promises to be the most lucrative. Chevron is yet another company that practices treaty shopping. The US energy company that has been embroiled in a legal dispute with Ecuador over negligent environmental pollution for 30 (!) years now, has instituted proceedings against the Philippines over an offshore gas drilling platform. In this latter case, Chevron is able to invoke the Swiss-Philippine investment protection treaty, which obviously offers better prospects of winning the legal battle against the Asian island nation.

The routine threat and frequent filing of actions by multinational corporations against countries have prompted a growing number of States to question the meaning and purpose of investment protection treaties. This trend is being even further stoked by the abysmal failure of many of these agreements to attract anything like the level of investment hoped for by the recipient countries. The topics up for discussion are the abolishment of these agreements, or at least the ruling out of the use of the controversial international arbitration approach in dispute settlement, and turning instead to domestic courts.

Avalanche of lawsuits after Chile's constitutional reform?

The French conglomerate Suez has threatened Chile with legal action should the municipal authority again take charge of the water supply system in the southern Chilean city of Osorno, as is the wish of that city's residents. This dispute was triggered by a 10-day interruption of the water supply last year following an oil pollution incident at the drinking water processing plant operated by the subsidiary of the French multinational. Corona crisis allowing, the Chilean people will be voting on constitutional reform on 25 October. Approval of the reform could unleash a veritable avalanche of lawsuits in Chile, as multinational companies have a strong presence in all spheres of life in that country, especially in the public services.

This and countless earlier cases illustrate just how unequally the possibilities for taking legal action are distributed between States and investors. Only very few investment protection treaties contain provisions allowing States in turn to bring legal action against foreign investors, for example, if they violate human rights or environmental standards. The investment treaty concluded by Switzerland contains no explicit provision for this. Alliance Sud has been sharply critical of this for years now. IA

Investment protection agreements

Investment protection agreements

Switzerland's investment protection agreements are unbalanced in favour of its multinationals when they invest abroad. Alliance Sud is calling for them to be rebalanced to enable host countries to enact legislation in the public interest and for the arbitration-based dispute settlement mechanism to be scrapped. 

What it is about >

What it is about

With a foreign direct investment portfolio worth more than CHF 1460 billion, Swiss companies are among the world's 10 leading exporters of capital. To protect them, the Federal Council has concluded 111 Investment Protection Agreements (IPAs) with developing countries, with the notable exception of the Energy Charter Treaty, which also encompasses EU Member States and the EU itself.

Yet, these agreements almost exclusively assign rights to foreign investors and duties to host countries. Furthermore, they contain a dispute settlement mechanism, the Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanism. It is unique in international law, as it allows a foreign company to sue a host country if it considers itself harmed under the treaty in force between the country of origin and the host country. Alliance Sud is calling for the rebalancing of these agreements and the scrapping of the ISDS.