US wrecking ball and Switzerland

Silence in the hurricane

20.03.2025, International cooperation

The dismantling of global US involvement must be of concern to Switzerland, writes Andreas Missbach. The repercussions on multilateralism and development cooperation and, by extension, on the poorest countries in particular, are serious. Against this backdrop, the Federal Council cannot opt for business as usual.

Silence in the hurricane

The USA is withdrawing, the global upheavals are immense. In Berne, the Federal Council remained silent as time passed, politicians are showing no outrage. © Keystone / Anthony Anex

"Other than China's Cultural Revolution, history offers few parallels to the so-called Department of Government Efficiency's assault on the state", the Financial Times wrote. In the light of the power grab in the USA, we are at a loss not only for suitable comparisons, but at times also for words; let's have a try with pop culture: "I came in like a wrecking ball" (Miley Cyrus).

It is pointless trying to keep an overview of all that has fallen victim to the wrecking ball. Let us therefore select something that gets little coverage in Switzerland, although it could have major implications here at home: pausing enforcement of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, the US anti-corruption law. It is only thanks to the application of that law that we know the meaning of cash in Baar, which is that up until 2016, there was a counter at the Glencore headquarters where staff members could collect bribes. And thanks to that enforcement, Glencore was fined USD1.1 billion after admitting guilt. In the absence of this menacing posture by the "new sheriff in town", there is great temptation to revert to tried and tested practices in commodity trading. This would have catastrophic ramifications for the poorest countries and their people.

Yesterday’s foreign policy and "business as usual"

To continue with the pop culture theme, what prevails in Switzerland is "The silence of the lambs" (Director Jonathan Demme). Of the seven lambs to be more precise. It took almost two months for anything to be heard from Berne: "The Federal Council takes the geopolitical situation seriously", followed immediately by: "Switzerland's foreign policy has not changed". According to media reports, the Federal Council had before it a discussion document that was believed to address the USA's withdrawal from the WHO, the UN Human Rights Council, and the Paris Climate Agreement; it is understood that it also covered the implications of the ending of USAID payments. Yet the official statement made no mention of this, with the Federal Council opting instead for "business as usual", and attempting the Swiss variant of "the art of the deal": "Switzerland's strategy must be to keep the doors open to the EU, the USA and China." (State Secretary Helene Budliger Artieda, Director of State Secretariat for Economic Affairs).

While the dismantling of the world's largest development agency constitutes a hurricane in the Global South, in Switzerland it is still just a gale. Where is the political outrage? Vitally important projects by Swiss development agencies worth CHF100 million can no longer be continued. Nothing will be the same as before: "If this is the beginning of the end of aid, we should focus on structural transformation", writes Heba Aly, the Canadian-Egyptian former CEO of the New Humanitarian online portal. "Fairer trade, debt and tax policies can address the drivers of inequality." That is now the crux of the matter. And for Switzerland this means anything but business as usual.

 

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The Alliance Sud magazine analyses and comments on Switzerland's foreign and development policies. "global" is published four times a year (in german and french) and can be subscribed to free of charge.

Interview with UN Administrator Achim Steiner

"If Switzerland takes a step back, its influence will lessen"

27.09.2024, International cooperation

Globally, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) is an effective and welcome cooperation partner, says its Administrator Achim Steiner. He is concerned over dwindling financial support from countries like Switzerland. Interview by Laura Ebneter, Marco Fähndrich and Andreas Missbach

Laura Ebneter
Laura Ebneter

Expert on international cooperation

Marco Fähndrich
Marco Fähndrich

Responsible for communications and media

"If Switzerland takes a step back, its influence will lessen"

Achim Steiner, Administrator of the UN Development Programme (UNDP), during a meeting at UN Headquarters in New York, 2023. © UNDP / Fouad Juez

Mr Steiner, you grew up in Brazil as the son of German parents: how has this dual nationality influenced you?

The experience of growing up in different countries and cultures is rather satisfying. It enabled me to find a way to feel at home and to work all over the world. I have also learned how to see the world from other perspectives. Much of what is going wrong in the world today has to do with our failure to really understand one another. But when I visit an island country in the Pacific or a Caribbean country, it is instantly clear how much life in those places depends on climate policy in the rest of the world.

Before working for the UNDP, you were Executive Director of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP). How do these institutions complement each other?

UNEP is a bridge between academia and politics; it inspires international norms. With the Montreal Protocol, UNEP paved the way for one of the greatest successes of international environmental policy as regards repairing the ozone layer. UNDP has a different focus and stands by and supports more than 170 countries in pursuing their own development path, both socially and economically and also environmentally. I have been engaging with environmental issues for a very long time and my appointment as UNDP Administrator has closed a circle by bringing together environment and development. Indeed, the greatest challenge of our time is that of enabling eight billion people to live together sustainably and peacefully.

 

The greatest challenge of our time is that of enabling eight billion people to live together sustainably and peacefully.

 

UNDP-Leiter Achim Steiner steht umringt von einer Dolmetscherin, UNDP-Mitarbeitenden vor zwei ukrainischen Personen. Im Hintergrund ihr wiederaufgebautes Haus und davor eine Erklärtafel auf der das vom Ukrainekrieg zerstörte Haus abgebildet ist.

Listening as a humanitarian mission: Achim Steiner (second from left) on a visit to war-torn Ukraine. © UNDP

Ein Mann sitzt in Somalia oberhalb einer Leiter auf einem grossen steinigen Wasserbehälter, der auf Stelzen steht. Auf dem Behälter ist unteranderem ein UNDP-Logo

UNDP water infrastructure in war- and drought-affected Somalia supplies people, livestock and fields. At the same time, knowledge about environmentally friendly practices is being imparted. © UNDP Somalia

 

In its "Human Development Report 2024", UNDP concludes that uneven development progress is leaving the world's poorest behind – the opposite of the goal of the 2030 Agenda, that of "leaving no one behind". Where do you see the principal levers for preventing any further widening of the gap?

Against the backdrop of the pandemic and the numerous crises and conflicts, the results are sobering at first glance. With the 2030 Agenda, we had set ourselves ambitious goals. But as so often happens, we make plans and there are setbacks. Let us not forget, however, that we have also made enormous progress over recent decades, which, regrettably, is not perceived as such by the public. In 1995, there were 16 million people worldwide connected to the internet. By 2025, over 6 billion will be connected; more than the entire global population in 1995. Access to electricity has also improved massively. International cooperation has contributed appreciably to this...

... and yet, that is cold comfort in the light of the multiple crises across the world.

That is also true. We are facing a situation in which the poorest countries may no longer be able to repay their debts, Sri Lanka being one example. There are almost 50 countries that are spending more than 10 per cent of their national budget on debt servicing alone. This is why we are witnessing cutbacks in education and health services, so that interest payments can be made; this cannot be conducive to development. And when a country can no longer provide its people with food and fuel, they take to the streets.

 

Let us not forget, however, that we have also made enormous progress over recent decades. International cooperation has contributed appreciably to this...

 

Investments are needed now more than ever. And yet donor countries are reducing their funding...

The rich OECD countries disburse just about 0.37 per cent of their Gross National Product for international cooperation. Considering the enormous tasks and possibilities of our time, I am deeply concerned over the fact that, especially in traditional donor countries, we are not obtaining the funding required for our work. And this, even though we have demonstrated how much more we can achieve through collaboration.

What are you asking of politicians?

Parliamentarians must have an honest discussion about international cooperation, and recognize that national interests are being increasingly championed in the global context. Governments act out of political opportunism, and turning away from joint solutions is extremely shortsighted and ultimately irresponsible. Let us take climate change: it is no longer a question of whether it exists but of how we can combat it in all countries. It is a failure that we are unable to represent these correlations more clearly, that in many countries we continue to rely on fossil fuels instead of promoting renewables. At the same time, we are well aware that thousands of people in Switzerland, Germany and other European countries are now dying prematurely every year on account of the heat.

 

Die Imkerin Doina Pantaz steht in gelber Schutzkleidung mit Insektennetz vor dem Gesicht und einem Rauchbehälter in der Hand vor ihren Bienenboxen in Rezina, Moldau.

In Rezina, a structurally weak region of Moldova, Doina Pantaz was trained as a beekeeper in a UNDP programme and learned a lot about climate adaptation. © UNDP Moldova

UNDP_MRU_CRRP_SOUTH_EAST_UNDERWATER_INTERVENTIONS_8_DEC_2023_SDG_13_14-17-24.jpg

Divers place processed corals on the seabed at Pointe Jérôme, Mauritius. The UNDP wants to restore the severely damaged coral reefs in Mauritius and the Seychelles.
© UNDP Mauritius / Gérald Rambert

 

Is it coming to international attention that Switzerland, too, is scaling back its commitment?

Up to five years ago, Switzerland was a model of international cooperation – the country recognised the importance of multilateralism, especially for a small country. Regrettably, Switzerland has been making successive cuts to its UNDP contributions, even though it still remains a significant donor. Without the United Nations, the room for manoeuvre of small countries in crisis regions tends towards zero. Switzerland has played a strategic role since joining the UN. If it takes a step back, its reputation and influence will also dwindle.

 

Up to five years ago, Switzerland was a model of international cooperation. Regrettably, it has been making successive cuts to its UNDP contributions.

 

What part is being played by the growing polarisation in the world?

The polarisation is hampering international cooperation and leading towards an impasse. My greatest concern is that the world is increasingly drifting apart instead of cooperating. Over the past year, 2443 billion dollars were spent on defence and the military. Not only is this a historic record but also an indication that confrontation is on the rise. There are concrete reasons for this, such as the war in Ukraine and conflicts in Myanmar or Sudan. Yet the world's problems can only be solved if, despite their diverging interests, the various countries are able to work together, whether on averting the next pandemic, on cybersecurity or on climate change.

 

UNDP-Bangladesh-2020-distribution-COVID19-2691_2.jpg

During the COVID-19 pandemic, UNDP teams distributed essential goods in Bangladesh and elsewhere. © UNDP Bangladesh

 

How is the war in Ukraine impacting the work of the UNDP?

Unlike the UN's political bodies, the Security Council, for example, we have the advantage of being a welcome partner in all countries of the world. We are amazed at the level of trust with which we are received in partner countries, above all because we are not an ephemeral organisation. We have been assisting some countries for decades, and such collaboration shows that international cooperation needs not be politicised, but that instead, it represents an offer to assist countries in pursuing their own path to development. I am witnessing this specifically with Bangladesh, where for years we have cooperated with various governments. Even in the current crisis situation with the transitional government of Mohammed Yunus, cooperation with the UNDP has not been called into question. The promise by the UN that countries can rely on the UNDP to concretely implement the concepts of international cooperation, remains a positive factor.

 

Achim Steiner steht umringt von Leuten vor einem Tisch auf dem allerlei Gerätschaften zur Minenräumung ausgelegt sind, diese werden von einem Mann erklärt.

Mined land: Achim Steiner at a presentation of demining equipment in Ukraine. © UNDP

 

And yet the UNDP, too, is grappling with financial woes.

The quest for funding sources is doomed to fail if we lack basic trust in international institutions. Regrettably, the UN constantly elicits harsh criticism at the national level, for example, regarding Gaza. We are concerned by the fact that many countries wield dubious arguments as a basis for choosing bilateralism and withdrawing from multilateral action. The United Kingdom, for example, has drastically cut back the funding it provides, so that it can finance its asylum costs. This has been problematic for us, as an organisation like the UNDP needs solid core funding if it is to act transparently, effectively and accountably. In 1990, 50 per cent of funding was still uncommitted and freely available, today the figure is just 11 per cent of receipts. This is not sustainable for an organisation over the long term. We are thus losing one of the most important platforms that still make cooperation possible in a tension-ridden world.

 

 

UNDP: committed to sustainable development

The UNDP was founded in 1965 and is active in over 170 countries and territories. Its principal mandate is to help achieve the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The UNDP supports partner countries in three key areas of change, namely, structural transformation, leaving no one behind, and resilience building. With expenditure of 5 billion USD, the UNDP is the largest development programme of the United Nations. Switzerland contributed 89 million USD to the UNDP in the past year.

 

 

Why has international cooperation lost credibility over recent years?

International cooperation is not a laboratory but an endeavour to find solutions under the most difficult of circumstances. Fifty per cent of the work takes place in crisis regions: Yemen, Afghanistan, Myanmar are all high-risk regions, where we are striving to save lives. That things do not always go to plan or that things can even go wrong is simply reality. Unfortunately, donors are not very willing to continue to be supportive in the face of setbacks.

Have you any idea why development cooperation is constantly being confronted with false statements and exaggerated demands?

Regrettably, there is a concerted offensive against development cooperation, from the USA, to Scandinavia, to the German-speaking countries. It is a political campaign aimed at delegitimising international cooperation in national contexts, one example being the cycle lanes in Peru being sponsored by Germany, and which received widespread media coverage. These examples distort the view, but it is also our responsibility to communicate better and more clearly about our work.

In concluding, do you have a positive message?

Each year, the United Nations provides food aid for some 115 million people through its World Food Programme (WFP). This is possible thanks only to courage, international solidarity and the commitment of our local colleagues and partners.

 

UNDP_Afghanistan_Afghanistan%20earthquake_102023_crisis_natural_disaster_-27.jpg

The 2023 earthquake in Afghanistan caused enormous damage. The UNDP has a great deal of experience in such fragile contexts. © UNDP Afghanistan

 

Global_Herbst-24_Cover_Achim-Steiner_zugeschnitten.jpeg

Achim Steiner

Born in 1961, Achim Steiner grew up in Brazil and Germany and studied philosophy politics and economics at the University of Oxford. He read for a Master's degree in economics and regional planning at the University of London. He also pursued studies at the German Development Institute (DIE) in Berlin and at the Harvard Business School.

Achim Steiner was Director-General of the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) and has worked with the German Society for International Cooperation (GIZ). Between 2006 and 2016 he headed the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) in Nairobi and the United Nations Office at Nairobi (UNON). Since May 2017, Achim Steiner has been Administrator of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in New York. In 2021, he was confirmed by the United Nations General Assembly for a second four-year term as UNDP Administrator.

More about UNDP's work see here.

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The Alliance Sud magazine analyses and comments on Switzerland's foreign and development policies. "global" is published four times a year (in german and french) and can be subscribed to free of charge.

Press release

OECD contact point: Switzerland lags behind

01.05.2013, International cooperation

If an enterprise infringes the OECD Guidelines for multinational enterprises, a complaint can be filed with the National Contact Point (NCP). These entities operate with varying degrees of seriousness and independence, however.

OECD contact point: Switzerland lags behind

Global, Opinion

An excess of neutralities

29.09.2022, International cooperation

Corona, climate and conflict are now exacting their price: the UN observes that for 90 per cent of all countries, the "Human Development Index" will decline for 2020 or 2021. During the global financial crisis, just one in ten countries was affected.

An excess of neutralities

© Parlamentsdienste 3003 Bern

The view of Andreas Missbach, Director of Alliance Sud

Cassis, Pfister and Blocher[1] – all three gentlemen are vying to score points with the adjective they use to qualify the n-word. Before we come to the adjective, the noun. Switzerland's neutrality was vital while neighbouring countries remained at war. This was so at the time of the Franco-German War of 1871, and even more so during the First World War, when the country was riven by differing sympathies with the warring parties.

During the Second World War, neutrality notoriously went hand-in-hand another element – that of profiteering from business with the warring parties. Up to 1944, Swiss firms supplied enormous quantities of military materiel to Nazi Germany. During the war years, the situation could still have been described as an emergency, but the business dealings continued thereafter, as neutrality morphed into a fig leaf. "Neutrality", meaning "we do business with everyone and do not care about sanctions", was one of the three factors (together with the financial centre and tax legislation) that propelled Switzerland to global dominance as a commodity trading hub.

As a non-UN member, Switzerland has not adopted UN sanctions, including those imposed on Rhodesia (today Zimbabwe) or apartheid South Africa. Mark Rich, the godfather of Swiss commodity trading, whose firm became Glencore and whose “Rich boys” established companies like Trafigura, described his oil deals with the racist regime in southern Africa as his "most important and lucrative business". But the grain traders on the shores of Lake Geneva also profited from the USA's grain embargo against the Soviet Union and stepped into the breach, although ideologically and practically, Switzerland was by no means neutral during the Cold War.

Now to the adjectives: Ignacio Cassis' "cooperative neutrality" would have put the profiteering into perspective, in that it would have cemented the new status quo created by the Russian invasion (EU sanctions are being adopted). Yet the Federal Council rejected the Federal President's adjective.

Gerhard Pfister's "decisionistic (concept of) neutrality" is less clear. To go by his interview in the Le Temps newspaper, "human rights, democracy and the free expression of opinions" keep profiteering in check. According to an interview with the Tamedia newspapers, it is more about the values of the "western economic and social model", in other words, "rule of law, security of private property and social welfare". Pfister has also failed with respect to a specific matter; in the Council of States, his party The Centre rejected the proposal that Switzerland should also be able to impose its own sanctions.

Christoph Blocher's "integral neutrality" favours a return to unbridled profiteering. He once defended this approach against the critics of apartheid. The “Working Group on Southern Africa” (ASA), which he founded and chaired, fulminated against sanctions and provided South African right-wing politicians and military officers with a platform for their inhumane messages. The ASA also organised propaganda trips: "In the footsteps of the Boers".

I would also like to put forward some adjectives, as Switzerland would be best served by neutrality that is "compassionate (refugees) and globally sustainable (human rights before profiteering)".

 

[1] Ignazio Cassis of the Liberal Party is Federal Councillor, head of the Federal Department of Foreign Affairs and President of the Swiss Confederation in 2022. Gerhard Pfister, member of the National Council, leads the Centrist Party (Mitte). Christoph Blocher is a former federal councillor and éminence grise of the far right xenophobic Peoples Party (SVP).

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The Alliance Sud magazine analyses and comments on Switzerland's foreign and development policies. "global" is published four times a year (in german and french) and can be subscribed to free of charge.

Multilateral cooperation

Multilateral cooperation

Alliance Sud espouses values-based and people-centred multilateralism. Running counter to this are national self-interest – including that of Switzerland – and continued Northern dominance in many multilateral organisations. This must be overcome.

What it is about >

What it is about

There is no doubt that pressing global problems cannot be solved without effective multilateral organisations. They too are part of an indispensable system of international diplomacy and dialogue. The self-interest of member states often takes priority, however. The interests of the North dominate many multilateral organisations, especially outside the UN system; this is blatantly obvious in the decision-making and management structure of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.

Alliance Sud espouses values-based and people-centred multilateralism. This means that the interests of the Global South and civil society must carry much more weight in multilateral organisations. Switzerland also selfishly pursues its own interests in matters of multilateral trade, finance and tax policy. This must be overcome; Switzerland must use its influence in multilateral organisations to boost human rights and advance the implementation of the 2030 Agenda.

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No clean slate for the West

19.09.2022, International cooperation

The problem is not the United Nations, but the pursuit of self-interest by Member States. A case for values-based and human-centred multilateralism.

Kristina Lanz
Kristina Lanz

Expert on international cooperation

Laura Ebneter
Laura Ebneter

Expert on international cooperation

No clean slate for the West
The 77th UN General Assembly in New York must find new ways to promote a comprehensive peace policy in the spirit of global justice. Rich Switzerland - a member of the UN Security Council from next year - is particularly challenged and must do significantly more to combat the global hunger, debt and climate crises.
© KEYSTONE-SDA / Alessandro della Valle

by Laura Ebneter and Kristina Lanz

The United Nations (UN) was set up in 1945 in the aftermath of the Second World War to serve as a means of achieving greater worldwide understanding and cooperation and preserving world peace. Two of the most recent milestones in UN history are the adoption of the Paris Climate Agreement, and the 2030 Agenda and its 17 sustainable development goals that constitute the international roadmap for sustainable development. In signing the Agenda, Member States were united in signalling that the sustainable development goals can only be viewed holistically and implemented internationally. This is why the five dimensions of the Agenda have been designated as people, planet, prosperity, peace and partnership. Yet the rise of autocracies, of nationalistic movements and the lack of due diligence on the part of multinational corporations are producing a situation in which the “people” dimension – i.e. overcoming poverty and hunger – and that of “prosperity” are only being realised for some parts of the world’s population. Planet, peace and partnership are therefore being treated as secondary.

The illusion of universal values

It is doubtful whether the international community embodies the fundamental values required to implement the 2030 Agenda comprehensively and fairly. The truth is that ever more divides are emerging. The UN is confronting a range of challenges: on the one hand, with the burgeoning number of specialised sub-organisations also comes much more red tape, the danger of parallel structures and competition for dwindling resources. At the same time, the UN’s decision-making bodies are finding themselves ever more frequently paralysed. Time and again, the adoption of key resolutions for the preservation of international peace and the protection of human rights is thwarted by the veto power held by the five Permanent Members of the Security Council, especially in the context of growing rivalries between the USA, Russia and China.

There is also little optimism to report from the Human Rights Council. China, for example, has been trying for years to boost its influence in multilateral bodies, and among other things, has been striving deliberately to water down the definition of universal human rights. And the strategy seems to be working – in June 2020 and by a vote of 23 to 16, the Human Rights Council approved a resolution tabled by China entitled “Mutually beneficial cooperation in the field of human rights”, which treats human rights as an object of negotiation and compromise. Along with Bahrain and Qatar, most African, Latin American and Asian countries supported China.

Recent discussions in the UN General Assembly also provide food for thought. In April, for instance, a resolution intended to exclude Russia from the Security Council over its war of aggression against Ukraine was supported by only 93 countries. Twenty-four countries voted against it, and 58 abstained, including China and a number of African, Asian and Latin American countries. While observers view this in part as evidence of a new “West-East” or “North-South” divide, the reality does seem somewhat more complex.

China has grown into an economic superpower over recent decades and has created new dependencies in many countries of the Global South (see “global” #86); besides, Russia has made many friends by supporting anti-colonial movements. While the West has been ramping up its rhetoric about direct confrontation between democracies with “western values” and autocracies, both China and Russia have been promoting targeted anti-West rhetoric, which is finding an echo in many countries. The upshot is that western countries are often accused – and justifiably so – of hypocrisy when it comes to upholding human rights and democracy. Too often have they trampled on human rights both at home and abroad, and supported dictatorships whenever their economic or political interests so dictated.

What next?

It seems generally beyond question that despite all the differences among its members, the UN forms part of an indispensable system of international diplomacy and dialogue. There is also no shortage of principles or established visions and values. What does fall short is their implementation by States. The original and fundamental values enshrined in the Charter – the belief in the fundamental human rights of all persons, the dignity and worth of the human person, equal rights of men and women and of all nations – provide a powerful moral framework. The visions enshrined in the Paris Climate Agreement and in the 2030 Agenda, which are oriented towards the shared, long-term interests of all States, are ground-breaking. The approach to be followed by a determined and strong world community may seem simple yet, given the existing balance of power and the generally greater preponderance of national self-interest, they are not very realistic when it comes to implementation.

If we are to create a values-based world order, we must first and foremost ensure, at the institutional level, that all States embrace people-centred multilateralism and represent the interests of their people – and most crucially those of the poorest and most vulnerable segments of society. This calls for an active civil society that has a seat at the table. At the same time, it is also necessary to create and strengthen transnational coalitions also comprising civil society, the private sector and academia, which work uncompromisingly to advance human rights and sustainability for the common good.

It is crucial, in the process, not to further exacerbate the polarisation already present in various UN bodies by portraying them as “West-East” or “North-South”. All States are required fully to uphold the universal human rights and to place long-term common interests before short-term self-interest. No country in the world has an immaculate record in this respect: the West too will have to get off its high horse and admit that many of its accomplishments came at the expense of other countries, where they exacted and continue to exact an enormous social, environmental and economic price.

Switzerland readily invokes its humanitarian tradition. With “Genève internationale”, and now as a member of the UN Security Council, Switzerland would be ideally placed to promote values-based multilateral cooperation and to give it the importance it deserves. Being one of countries responsible each year for most of negative spillover effects on the achievement of the sustainable development goals in other countries, Switzerland is furthermore duty-bound to uphold human rights for everyone in a constant and uncompromising manner, to adapt its trade, financial and fiscal policies accordingly and also strictly and fully to implement (non-)binding UN agreements, especially the Paris Climate Agreement and the 2030 Agenda.

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The Alliance Sud magazine analyses and comments on Switzerland's foreign and development policies. "global" is published four times a year (in german and french) and can be subscribed to free of charge.