Article, Global

The age of white saviours is over

05.12.2022, International cooperation

Power inequalities are still a major problem in development cooperation. Change is under way where decolonization is seriously being promoted.

Kristina Lanz

Expert on international cooperation

Doctor, philosopher, theologian, organist, Nobel Peace Prize winner - and a "white saviour"? Albert Schweitzer (1875 - 1965) in Lambarene, Gabon.
© The Granger Collection, New York / Keystone

Development cooperation (DC) has changed radically over the past 30 years. However, despite progress on many fronts, many people still retain a very colonial image and understanding of development aid: on one side there are mostly dark-skinned, poverty-stricken people, seemingly incapable of lifting themselves out of poverty on their own; and on the other, overwhelmingly white, altruistic helpers, who are using their knowledge and expertise as best they can to help the poor.

Correcting this (self) perception and shifting the power to define and make decisions about development from the North to the South is at the heart of discussions on the decolonization of aid, which have gained considerable momentum in recent years. Launched by humanitarian organizations in the Global South, the debate is now also taking place in academia and has long found a place in the work of many international non-governmental organizations (NGOs).

This article highlights three aspects that are pivotal to a new, decolonized understanding of development aid: the historical and political contextualisation of development cooperation, a complete revision of the images and narratives that are being conveyed by development actors, as well as the ongoing evolution of the modalities of cooperation.

Altruism or self-interest?

In an address to the nation in 1949, US President Truman spoke for the first time of rich, "developed" nations having to use their progress to assist poor "underdeveloped" countries with their development. Poorer countries – with the assistance from the richer nations – needed to create the general political and economic framework conditions, which would bring them closer to the living standard of the latter. Whereas Truman's primary motive at the time was to curb the rise of communism in poorer countries, European colonial powers also embraced the concept of development aid, as it allowed them to preserve their influence in the now independent colonies, while burying the horrors of the colonial era behind a smokescreen of altruistic aid.

From the very beginning, development policy frameworks propagated by the West were designed to preserve Western political influence as well as access to the vital commodities and resources of poorer nations. This so-called development aid furthermore often had conditions attached to it in order to secure markets for Western companies in poorer countries – a practice that has come to be known as "tied aid".

As of the 1960s, the Western-dominated global financial institutions (World Bank and IMF) also played a key role in the realm of global economic policy. After many of the newly independent governments contracted massive debts with the World Bank and the IMF in the 1960s and 70s, most often to build major (generally export-oriented) infrastructure projects, new lending in the 1980s was tied to strict conditions regarding market and trade liberalization and a roll-back of the state. While these so-called structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) promoted global economic liberalization, poverty and hunger increased exponentially in most of the "structurally adjusted" countries. In parallel, numerous NGOs emerged and took over the work of States weakened by the SAPs, for example in the areas of education, health or water and sanitation (WASH).

It was only in the 1990s that an initial phase of self-reflection in the development sector took shape – on the back of massive civil society protests against World Bank and IMF policies, as well as increasing internal and external criticism of the top-down agenda of the development industry and its failure to alleviate poverty. From then on, more attention started to be paid to topics such as human rights, governance and political context analysis and measurable poverty reduction was now given a central place. Furthermore, the issues of coordination among donor countries, as well as the increased cooperation with various players in the Global South (ranging from governments to civil society organizations) started to gain relevance. As a result of these deliberations, at least officially, the term “development aid” was replaced by “development cooperation”.

Outdated images of development

While the practice of "tied aid" is frowned upon in development cooperation today much more emphasis is being placed on human rights and the rule of law, and the principle of “cooperation” has become more important, the colonial image of the "white saviours" still persists. This image also stems from the conviction that development is something linear and that we in Western industrialized countries have achieved an ideal state of development thanks to efficiency, intelligence and innovation. Forgotten are slavery, imperialism and colonialism, as well as unfair global trade and economic relations, which are still in place today and without which Western prosperity would not exist in its present form.

Whether knowingly or not, today's development cooperation still continues to reinforce an outdated image of development through its communication and fundraising activities – an image inspired by stereotypes of poverty, white saviours and a lack of contextualization. Even the language used in development cooperation can reinforce these images – for example, the frequently used term "capacity building" implies a lack of knowledge and capacity on the part of local people and organizations. In a recently published open letter, 93 Ukrainian organizations and more than 100 individuals sent a clear message and a challenge to international organizations and NGOs: Stop speaking on our behalf, and stop spinning narratives in such a way that they promote your own institutional interests! The member organizations of Alliance Sud and other NGOs have recognized this problem and have jointly launched a manifesto for responsible communication in development cooperation.

Cooperation modalities

Besides the urgently needed revision of the images and narratives being disseminated by development actors, the modalities of cooperation between Western donors and local recipients are also eliciting criticism in the current decolonization debate. Civil society organizations from the Global South, who are doing crucial work in numerous fields – from protecting human rights and combating poverty to environmental protection and the fight against corruption – feel sidelined in present-day development cooperation. They denounce the fact that decisions are made mostly in the West, that they often act as mere implementing partners for projects decided by Western development actors, who do not trust them and that their local knowledge is hardly ever valued.

The fact is that international development is still dominated by Western "experts" and that there are huge disparities not only in the salaries of expats and local collaborators, but also in their powers of decision-making and action. Furthermore, an OECD study published in 2019 shows that only about one per cent of overall bilateral development funding directly went to local organizations in developing countries. The study also shows that civil society organizations are used preferably as implementing partners for donor-country projects and priorities and are seldom regarded as autonomous development actors in their own right. Access to funding, especially for small, local organizations, is being massively hampered by complex bureaucratic procedures and requirements and competition from larger international organisations.

The future of development cooperation

The debate around the decolonization of aid is crucial, in that it demonstrates that development cooperation is not free of outdated colonial thought patterns and behaviours. However, it is also important to avoid generalizations in this debate. The history of the World Bank and the IMF is different from that of the UN, of bilateral development cooperation, or of NGOs. And while development cooperation as a whole may still fall far short of a fully decolonized, partnership-based cooperation, much has changed for the better in recent years. Human rights and democratization have become more important, the localization and decolonization of development aid are now being seriously discussed and promoted at various levels. Several NGOs, for example, hire mainly local staff in their offices abroad or work exclusively with local organizations, in keeping with the principle "locally led and globally connected". Besides, the work of many international organizations and NGOs has become more political: global injustices are being denounced and tackled jointly with NGOs in the South.

It is also important to always situate development cooperation in an overall context. While many policy areas still effectively facilitate the transfer of resources and value creation from the Global South to the Global North, as well as the exportation of unwanted waste back to the South, development cooperation constitutes one of the few policy areas in which funds) can flow back from the North to the South in a manner more or less devoid of self-interest (depending on the country and institution) and in which global problems can be jointly tackled.

For the future of development cooperation, it is now important to ensure that words are followed by deeds, that existing patterns of funding, knowledge generation and cooperation are broken in order to truly share decision-making power and make room for non-Western ways of thinking and acting: only in this way will true cooperation among equals become possible. Furthermore, a clear, new narrative must be constructed – shifting away from "aid" towards Western responsibility and compensation, away from "developed" countries and countries "to be developed", from "helpers" and "beneficiaries" towards shared global learning and development processes that work towards global sustainability and justice.

Many of the problems currently facing poorer countries originate in the Global North: unsustainable commodity extraction that involves human rights abuses, tax avoidance, illegitimate and unlawful financial flows, or the worsening climate crisis are but a few examples. Now more than ever, tackling the root causes of these problems will require cross-border networking and cooperation on the basis of partnership.

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Article, Global

The future of Development Effectiveness

20.03.2023, International cooperation

The third High Level Meeting (HLM3) of the Global Partnership for Effective Development Cooperation (GPEDC) ended with mixed results, says Vitalice Meja, Executive Director of Reality of Aid Africa.

Vitalice Meja is the Executive Director of Reality of Aid Africa – a pan-African organization with a focus on poverty eradication through effective development cooperation policies. He is currently one of the GPEDC Co-Chairs representing non-executive members of the GPEDC.

Held in Geneva Switzerland in December 2022, the meeting brought together several hundred government officials, development partners and other development players. It endeavoured to take critical steps to strengthen the impact of development cooperation in delivering on the 2030 Agenda for the benefit of those most left behind. The meeting also took place at a time when the COVID-19 pandemic had not only led to the loss of hard-won development gains, but also when questions about the relevance of the effectiveness principle in the current crisis-ridden context were gaining momentum. The onus on the summit was to demonstrate how development effectiveness principles could help bring more resilience to development results and impacts, for the purposes of the SDGs. In this regard, the summit attempted to place trust building at the heart of the GPEDC agenda and its outcomes. The objective was to secure a political commitment from all actors to change the way they partner, by resolutely making the effectiveness principles more central to outcomes and accountability at the country level.

State of Play

It is safe to say that the GPEDC’s mandate and effectiveness principles are as relevant as ever. It was on this basis that the GPEDC rolled out a new monitoring framework and an overhauled delivery model that was unanimously endorsed at the summit. By the time of the summit, over 36 developing countries had signalled their intention to participate in the next monitoring round. The country dialogues, partner country caucus and thematic focus approved at the summit also provide considerable impetus for launching the new delivery model at the national level. All indications are that there is still a high level of interest in accountability and in making progress on GPEDC commitments.

We must, however, act decisively and not selectively to implement the new monitoring framework and the new delivery model if we are to strengthen the platform in the context of the 2030 Agenda. Sustained efforts are needed to make the GPEDC more operational and results-oriented at the national level, and also to promote inclusiveness through a whole-of-society approach. The GPEDC leadership should capitalize on the opportunities offered by the bold political outcome document to spur progress towards country-level action. There must be increased uptake of GPEDC outputs and products to inform and guide changes of behaviour on the part of countries and at headquarters, and adequate financial resources must be allocated for this purpose.

Challenges

We must nevertheless address the fact that the persisting external perception is that the GPEDC is donor-driven and that whatever is funded by donors attracts attention and investment from the global platform. This perception does nothing to strengthen ownership among partner-country governments. Creating a global community dedicated to pursuing the principles will require bold political action across all constituencies, and development partners will have to be willing to engage in the political debate.

Funding and capacity constraints have persisted throughout the decade-long existence of the GPEDC. However, there are new demands for all actors to assess their capacity to deliver. With the new monitoring exercise and delivery model, the GPEDC must urgently consider members’ capacity gap and the support needed to spur action, including at the country level. If we are to succeed, both responsibilities and the relevant resources must be clearly designated, for the sake of better pursuing the aims of the GPEDC at the country level.

An inclusive and sustainable GPEDC will depend on a shared understanding of how to respond to new risks, trade-offs and tensions in partnerships at the country level. This requires continued multi-stakeholder dialogue to rally all actors around agreed actions that are guided by the 2030 Agenda and national development priorities. Concerted investment by all stakeholders will be needed to address persisting and new challenges of effectiveness, and to ensure a focus on agreed development priorities, and on first helping those who are furthest behind. Underpinned by collective approaches to accountability, this could generate much-needed momentum for harnessing the strengths of governments, citizens and other partners in order to ensure greater deliverables and speed up progress along the path of sustainable development.

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Article

"We do not want an endless war"

15.06.2023, International cooperation

There is little evidence of a move towards peace in the context of the war in Ukraine. Perhaps because no one knows what "making peace" would mean in this instance.... Interview with Thomas Greminger, Head of the Geneva Centre for Security Policy.

Isolda Agazzi

Expert on trade and investment policy / Media relations French-speaking part of Switzerland

Ambassador Thomas Greminger during an event in Geneva in October 2021
© Martial Trezzini / KEYSTONE

At the organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Thomas Greminger played a key role in managing the crisis spawned by Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014. Prior positions held included serving as Head of the Human Security Division of the Federal Department of Foreign Affairs (FDFA), and also as Head of the South Cooperation Department of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC). Between 2017 and 2020, Thomas Greminger was Secretary-General of the OSCE. In international Geneva, he is a proven expert on peace in Ukraine.

Alliance Sud: You have been a powerful advocate of mediation and peace promotion in the OSCE framework, especially in Ukraine following Russia's annexation of Crimea. Isn't Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022 proof that those efforts have failed?

Thomas Greminger: In the years 2014 and 2015, we successfully averted the escalation of the crisis in Ukraine; but it has never been possible to eliminate the conflict between Russia and Ukraine and its underlying tensions between Russia and the West. The West has always insisted that NATO is a defence alliance with no interest in attacking anyone, and that many countries were keen to become members out of fear of Moscow. Yet the west has failed to recognize that Russia has harboured legitimate security concerns and an age-old feeling of being threatened by the West, and which has its roots in the age of Napoleon and in Hitler's Germany. While Putin has indeed exploited all this as a pretext for pursuing a revanchist agenda, Russia's security concerns should be treated as legitimate. Lastly, we must admit that no international organisation is in a position to prevent a superpower from going to war – not the UN, not the OSCE.

Is a peace agreement conceivable in the present circumstances? And if so, would that mean surrendering 20 per cent of Ukrainian territory to Russia?

Calls are now being heard for a Plan B. Plan A consists of supporting Ukraine on the battlefield, for as long as it is willing to fight. The dominant opinion at present is that we should await the outcome of the spring offensive for both sides, after which it may be possible to return to the bargaining table to work out a ceasefire and perhaps even a peace agreement. Owing to a range of problems, primarily issues of territory on which neither party is prepared to compromise, that would be a major challenge. It is most unlikely that either of the two positions will prevail, neither that of Ukraine, which wants to liberate all the areas occupied since 2014, nor that of Russia, which is keen to consolidate all the territory it has annexed. We have no wish to reward Putin by approving his redrawing of the map by military means, but nor do we want an endless war. The transitional solution would be the temporary cession of territory similar to what took place between East and West Germany after the Second World War, or between the two Koreas. What is at stake is therefore not the surrender of territory in the narrow sense of international law, but agreeing to a temporary cession, which could be renegotiated under a future Russian government.

What would happen next?

The second issue would be the security guarantees that would be given to Ukraine against future attacks by Russia, and whether the country joins NATO or declares itself a neutral State. The Ukrainian Government would like NATO membership in order so that the country would enjoy the guarantees available under Article 5 of the Washington treaty. It seems politically difficult, however, given the resistance from certain NATO members, and considering that Russia would find NATO membership for Ukraine unacceptable. Then there is the question of compensation in connection with the adjustment of sanctions, and the matter of war crimes. There are four sets of issues that would have to be negotiated in the framework of a peace agreement.

At present, both Heads of State are keen to prosecute the conflict on the battlefield. they have no interest in sitting at a negotiating table, as both believe in a military victory. Should either side develop a different viewpoint, this could change.

Switzerland's renowned good offices seem non-existent in this instance. Are they, and if so, do they need to be reinvented?

The warring parties are showing no interest in traditional arbitration and mediation. Turkey's offer of mediation is based on power interests; the country is playing its role as a regional power, and President Erdogan enjoys access to both Heads of State. That is not the type of mediation that Switzerland or Norway could offer, and even if Switzerland had not adopted sanctions, its services would not be called upon.

According to Russia, sanctions have placed us on the list of "unfriendly" countries; the Syrian Constitutional Committee can now no longer meet in Geneva. But international talks on Georgia are continuing in Geneva, with Russia's participation. The Russians are highly pragmatic, they come to Geneva if they have the feeling that there is something in it for them. This also applies to a whole range of informal dialogue platforms provided by the Geneva Centre for Security Policy (GCSP).

The West is finding it ever more difficult to understand Switzerland's neutrality. Is it still in step with the times?

It is true that our neutrality has come under attack especially from Western countries. But from the standpoint of international Geneva, neutrality is much appreciated by all other countries, including those in the Global South, and Western nations welcome the dialogue frameworks we provide for controversial topics such as the Arctic, Syria, and nuclear weapons. In a highly polarised world, even the West has an interest in neutral States that can provide space for dialogue and negotiations. Neutrality has by no means lost its raison d'être, despite the pressure being exerted on it.

Meanwhile, Switzerland has most unequivocally endorsed the western values of human rights, the rule of law and democracy. In that connection, Switzerland underlines the view that neutrality is not a matter of values. At the same time, it is gratifying that Switzerland has not joined the camp of those providing military support to Ukraine, a move that would undermine the impartiality of a country that is host to so many international organisations.

According to the Ukraine Support Tracker, compared to other countries, Switzerland is not doing much to help Ukraine. Should the country step up its involvement, and if so, how?

In terms of the overall sum of the support being given to Ukraine, Switzerland seems not to measure up particularly well in this ranking, as it also covers military aid (weapons, munitions), which is very costly. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that Switzerland ranks a mere 28th. Things look much better when refugee spending (17th place) is included.

This is an indication that over the near-to-medium term, Switzerland will be under pressure to offset the lack of military support in some other field. By way of burden-sharing, we could find ourselves forced to contribute substantially in other areas such as humanitarian aid and reconstruction in Ukraine. Switzerland will come under growing pressure to do more than is presently the case. There will also be greater pressure to make savings in other areas; many countries in the South are nonetheless suffering as a result of the war and it would be unwise to cut back development cooperation in other parts of the world. Beyond the realm of humanitarian aid, this would enable authoritarian countries like Russia and China to expand their influence in countries of the South.

Should Switzerland authorise the re-export of war materiel?

We would do better to concentrate on the things we do well, as described above! The re-export of weapons will never significantly impact the war in Ukraine. As a country guided by the rule of law, we are required to apply current law. If the Federal Act on War Materiel prohibits this, we cannot permit re-exportation – unless the law is amended. If there is the will to do so, then we can, but it takes time. As things stand, we are bound by current law.

Alliance Sud is calling for a global security policy to avoid future wars. What do you think of this?

In my career I have always stood up for development, peace and security, and constantly underlined the linkages between these fields. As a country whose economy is so internationally oriented, Switzerland is dependent on stable international relations. This also includes fragile States. The countries hardest hit by the consequences of warfare, food and energy insecurity, political unrest, inflation, etc., are fragile States. Economies with below-average development are more vulnerable to ethnic, social and international conflicts. Investment in cooperation reinforces the resilience of fragile States, and can reduce State failure and the potential for conflict, with the result that less people are forced to leave their homelands. Development policy is conflict prevention policy.

Interview: Isolda Agazzi

An independent, federally funded foundation

The Geneva Centre for Security Policy (GCSP) is an independent foundation comprising 53 countries and the Canton of Geneva. The foundation was set up by the Swiss Confederation, which funds 70 per cent of its budget. It is headed by Swiss career diplomats (like Thomas Greminger at present) on whom the Federal Council confers the title of ambassador in that role. It is therefore both international and Swiss in character, but depends on Switzerland's political and financial support, "although we do enjoy a high degree of independence that is respected by Berne", says Greminger. "We abide by the three principles of independence, impartiality and inclusiveness – and this latter principle in regard to gender, geography and political persuasion, as we bring together people with a range of opinions."

Since the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, the GCSP has maintained its unbiased and integrative training programme for leaders, in spirit and in practice. Courses are still being run with Russian and Ukrainian participants. The GCSP provides room for informal dialogue and tackles issues relating directly to the war, and indirectly to topics no longer being discussed at government level, such as the nuclear weapons dialogue between the USA and Russia.

Global, Opinion

Constant flux

24.06.2021, International cooperation

The only constant in life, as Heraclitus taught us, is change. Yet, it was almost 13 years ago now that I took up my first position at Alliance Sud. For family reasons, the time has now come to say farewell.

In 2008 when I assumed responsibility for area of «tax policy» at Alliance Sud, Finance Minister Hans-Rudolf Merz still believed that Switzerland’s banking secrecy was as immovable as the Gotthard Massif. Nothing stood in the way of tax evaders and corrupt dictators in developing countries who wanted to conceal their fortunes in Switzerland. Then came the global financial and economic crisis, which sounded the death knell for many of the Millennium Development Goals that should have been attained by 2015; on the other hand, however, it gave fresh momentum to the fight against tax evasion.

Suddenly, even the powerful industrial countries were keen to crack down on tax offenders. They urgently needed more government revenues to pay for their multi-billion bailout packages for banks. For its part, however, Alliance Sud had to fight on for years until Switzerland finally extended automatic information exchange in tax matters to developing countries. It is still campaigning against the deplorable incentives available to multinational corporations to shift their profits from poor countries to Switzerland, largely untaxed.

When in 2015 I succeeded Peter Niggli as Director of Alliance Sud, the Sustainable Development Goals were just taking the place of the Millennium Development Goals. Through the 2030 Agenda the rich industrial countries committed to a course of action geared not merely towards short-term national interests but to the long-term well-being of humanity and the planet. This makes it all the more surprising today to witness the degree of exasperation with which some Federal Councillors and Parliamentarians greet NGOs that get involved in Swiss policy in order to promote respect for human rights and the protection of the environment.

Then, as now, Alliance Sud was a political irritant. We should not be impressed by the latest tit-for-tat responses to civil society for taking an active interest in development policy. Now more than ever, socially equitable and environmentally sustainable world development calls for a Switzerland that aligns all policies coherently with this goal – from foreign to economic policy, and including climate policy. The Alliance Sud team, member organisations and allies will continue to advocate for this cause in the future, with dedication, indefatigable commitment and the power of the right arguments. I take this opportunity to thank them from the bottom of my heart for the wonderful cooperation we have had.

global

Development cooperation

Development cooperation on a partnership basis contributes effectively to sustainable development and peace in the world. This will first require the "localising" and "decolonising" of traditional "development aid". Alliance Sud champions development cooperation that is geared towards partner country priorities and strengthens civil society organisations.

What it is about >

22.03.2024 , A weakened democracy in the throes of populism

22.03.2024 International cooperation

Bolivia is gripped by a severe political crisis and its economic situation is dire. But growing urbanisation also offers opportunities for sustainable poverty alleviation, says Martín del Castillo.

21.03.2024 , "What is happening in Ukraine or in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is unacceptable"

21.03.2024 International cooperation

In these times of crisis, former Federal Councillor Micheline Calmy-Rey finds that Switzerland's diplomacy lacks a clear stance. As guarantor of the Geneva Conventions, Switzerland should step up its involvement in support of civilians.

20.03.2024 , Making impact measurement more flexible

20.03.2024 International cooperation

The impact of international cooperation is a recurring theme in the media and in Parliament. Yet the ongoing debate says more about the shortcomings in the evaluations and the inadequacy of communication regarding international cooperation in general, than about the actual impact of projects.

What it is about

There are ever more insistent calls, chiefly from civil society in the Global South, for development cooperation and humanitarian aid to be fully decolonised, geared towards the priorities of partner countries, and for cooperation to take place on a partnership basis.

It will need unrelenting efforts to break down existing patterns of funding, knowledge generation and cooperation, to share decision-making power, and to make room for non-Western patterns of thought and action. Lastly, racist images, jargons and behaviours need to be recognised and eliminated. Through its work and communication, Alliance Sud works towards overcoming unequal power relations and practices.

Manifesto for responsible communication

Press release

Andreas Missbach becomes new Director of Alliance Sud

29.09.2021, International cooperation

The Board of Alliance Sud has elected Andreas Missbach as the new Director. He takes over from Mark Herkenrath, who left Alliance Sud at the end of July. Andreas Missbach will take office on 1 January 2022.

Andreas Missbach

"We are delighted to have attracted a distinguished figure to assume the challenging mission," says Bernd Nilles, Chairman of Alliance Sud and Director of Swiss Catholic Lenten Fund. “Andreas Missbach is the ideal incumbent. His wide-ranging experience, extensive network and strategic mind-set will be a boost to Alliance Sud in its commitment to equitable North-South relations and a Switzerland that is guided by solidarity. Andreas Missbach will be a competent contact person for politicians and the Administration."

Andreas Missbach (born in 1966) is a historian, he has written a dissertation on United Nations climate policy, and from 2001 to 2021 served the Berne Declaration/Public Eye in various fields, most recently as a Joint Managing Director and Head of the Department for Commodities, Trade & Finance.

"I am delighted to work with Alliance Sud for global justice and to strengthen the voice of the global South and of development organizations in Swiss politics," says Andreas Missbach. This is more necessary than ever: whether climate crisis or Corona crisis, it is the poorest population groups who are hit the hardest."

Alliance Sud is the development policy alliance of the following Swiss development organizations: Swissaid, Swiss Catholic Lenten Fund, Bread for All, Helvetas, Caritas and HEKS/EPER. It is also supported by the following partner organizations: Solidar Suisse, Terre des Hommes Switzerland and the Swiss Red Cross. For 50 years now Alliance Sud has championed the causes of a more just world and a Switzerland that shows solidarity.

Further information:
Bernd Nilles, Chairman of Alliance Sud and Director of Swiss Catholic Lenten Fund

Global, Opinion

Reimagining Africa

01.10.2021, International cooperation

The world is jaded by the multiple planetary emergencies upon us. These emergencies are compounded by the widespread failure of leadership at both the public and private sector levels.

Co-President of the Club of Rome and Co-Founder of Reimagine SA.
© Mamphela Ramphele

Scientific knowledge is proving inadequate to the task of getting humanity to reimagine new ways of being human. Reimagination requires going deep into oneself. Such reimagination demands of us to be prepared to unlearn our extractive value systems and learn anew from nature that we are part of an interconnected and interdepended web of life. As indigenous cultures across the world teach us – we have to become indigenous again and function within the rhythm of nature’s wisdom. Becoming indigenous again would enable humanity to emerge from these emergencies with a new human civilization – one in harmony with nature.

Young people all over the world are slowly but surely rising to the challenge of leadership in the face of the failures of their parents and leaders. Global movements such as Fridays for the Future, Extinction Rebellion, Rainbow Warriors, and Avaaz have taken it upon themselves to shape the future they desperately wish to see emerge.

Young people in Africa are also rising to the opportunities of embracing the wisdom of their ancestors. Africa’s wisdom is that it is a land of abundance – there is enough for all if we share equitably. The value system of Ubuntu enables all to share in the prosperity generated through collaborative work. There are no free riders in Ubuntu.

A significant proportion of the more than 600 million 15-49 year old Africans, are building innovative solutions to address the multiple challenges they face across a multiplicity of contexts. They are turning scarcity of provision of old technologies in telecommunications and financial services, into opportunities to create abundance. Cell phones and online financial services are leveraging the estimated annual flows of remittances (estimated at 44bn USD) to establish cheaper and more reliable connectedness between the diaspora and the home base.

Africa is also slowly dismantling the colonial education models that have held her youthful population hostage to education systems that alienate them from their rich cultural heritage. Colonial education models have mentally enslaved Africans for generations, making many to continue to believe in white supremacy and black inferiority. It is this mental slavery that continues to undermine Africa’s ability to leverage its abundance to generate shared prosperity.

We are witnessing the creation of new education models such as the seventeen year old Leap Math and Science Schools in South Africa, that are helping young people to free themselves from this mental slavery and to embrace the wisdom of Ubuntu. The healing impact of interconnectedness and interdependence results in self-confidence and restored dignity and self-respect. The outcomes are spectacular in the poorest most broken slum areas of South Africa from which they come. Leap graduates become leaders in their broken communities as teachers, engineers, civil society, political actors and many other professionals. These outcomes belie the poverty the world sees in Africa. Young people see abundance, and are the abundance of Africa.

Africa as the largest continent (landmass equal to Europe, China and USA combined) with the largest resource base (60% arable land; 90% of mineral deposits, sun and rain in abundance; and the most youthful population of 1,4bn) needs to find a new development model. Such a model has to be framed within the Ubuntu philosophy to leverage this rich resource base through collective action that unleashes the talents and creativity of its youthful population.

The world stands to gain from an Africa pursuing a more sustainable regenerative socio-economic development model. Such an Africa would be able to share its abundance in a more equitable way. Africa’s youthful population, freed from mental slavery and affirmed as innovative energetic global citizens, would provide the critical skills and creativity that the rest of the aging global community would need. The world needs to co-invest with Africa in an accelerated regenerative socio-economic development that leverages Africa’s land mass for food security. Drawing on Africa’s indigenous knowledge of organic agriculture and her rich marine food systems would ensure secure healthy food for all.

Africa’s minerals that are fuelling the world economy, including the newfound rare earths essential for electronics, need to be mined in a sustainable way. Extractive mining practices are not only damaging the African landscapes, but undermining the wellbeing of her people. Sustainability of the flow of the benefits of mineral wealth for the entire global community requires radical transformation from extractive approaches to regenerative ones.

The world need to seize the COVID pandemic and climate change existential crises as opportunities to learn anew how to work together as a global community. This would ensure that we shift from degenerative approaches to regenerative ones that promote sustainable wellbeing for all. This entails changing excessive consumption patterns to wiser choices to enable us stay within planetary boundaries. It also entails that we embrace nature’s wisdom that there can be no Me without We. Humanity is inextricably interconnected and interdependent.

My reimagined Africa in 50 years’ time is that of a continent that has reclaimed her heritage as the cradle of humanity and of the first human civilization, modelling nature’s intelligence to ensure that everyone contributes their best to the wellbeing of all in the entire ecosystem. Africa would then offer the world a model of how to learn anew to become fully human.

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Opinion

Fifty years of advocacy for solidarity

05.10.2021, International cooperation

Alliance Sud has been working for a Switzerland of solidarity for 50 years. Our President Bernd Nilles looks back - and into the future.

Fifty years of Alliance Sud, 60 years of Swiss Development Cooperation (SDC), 60 years of Swiss Catholic Lenten Fund, 75 years of HEKS/EPER – a few decades ago the mood was overwhelmingly upbeat regarding global responsibility. Is there cause for celebration today, or perhaps not, considering the number of unsolved problems in the world? We are constantly facing new challenges and crises – including the climate crisis and the considerable time pressure it entails.

When in August 1971 – shortly after the introduction of women's suffrage – our founding fathers set up the Swiss Coalition Swissaid/Swiss Catholic Lenten Fund/Bread for Brethren/Helvetas, they presumably had no idea that the journey was to last five decades and beyond. The initial focus was on informing the Swiss public about the situation in developing countries and about global interconnections; development policy was only added later, in the 1980s. The early realisation that long-term transformation would necessitate changes in the North and South was a far-sighted one, and the successful unification of Swiss aid agencies with a coordinated and credible voice in development policy matters has been a historic accomplishment on the part of Alliance Sud.

I would like to take this opportunity to thank everyone who helped shape and make this story possible. Alliance Sud has initiated a series of policy changes over these past 50 years; it has played a part in expanding and further enhancing development cooperation and has been an unflagging advocate for a Switzerland that practises solidarity.

Alliance Sud too is ready to evolve. We set this in train in 2021 and will accordingly be strengthening our focus on advocacy and hence our impact by that means. This seems imperative in the light of persisting global challenges and injustices, especially where Swiss policies bear some share of the blame. Besides, the business sector continues to wield disproportionate power and influence, a fact that leads not infrequently to policy decisions that are detrimental to people and environment. It must be legitimate in this connection to ask why Federal Councillors are now calling for the business sector to be more politically engaged, while at the same time attempting to reduce civil society's room for manoeuvre.

What is good for the business sector is not automatically good for Switzerland and the world. Good and sustainable policy decisions also need to take the voices of citizens and civil society into account – we have underscored this repeatedly over the past 50 years. We intend to continue to be actively involved and to stand up for global justice through expertise, dialogue and debate.

Global, Opinion

Communications: from means to programme

06.10.2021, International cooperation

It is a topsy-turvy world. The emerging challenges call for a radical worldwide rethink. Development organisations too are being challenged: not just in terms of their programme but also in their corporate communication. By Jörg Arnold, Fairpicture

Ex First-Lady Melania Trump in Kenya: such VIP visits could foster a paternalistic concept of development.
© Saul Loeb/AFP

SDC Director Patricia Danzi had this to say in marking the 60th anniversary of the organisation: "We must learn how to convey what international cooperation is about today. Today's international cooperation is not what it was 30 years ago. The world has changed and with it, communication. We now share a common language at international level: the 2030 Agenda.” The anonymous pictures of emaciated children have all but disappeared from the mailings and websites of aid agencies over the past decade. But has this also signalled a change in the manner in which western development organisations talk about the global South?

There are over 100 ZEWO-certified charities in Switzerland committed to making the world more habitable for all. There are also dozens of other non-certified associations. They are all striving to alleviate hardship and lay the groundwork for sustainably overcoming poverty, hunger and injustice. They are well-versed in communicating the content of their work and bringing their donors closer. They strive to create understanding for the plight of people in need, to strengthen the commitment to concrete assistance, thereby enhancing their own effectiveness.

Through their communications they strongly influence public opinion on societies in the global South. Extensive fundraising campaigns convey emotions that convince donors to contribute. Whether in the form of regular reporting in smaller circles or of well-crafted direct marketing initiatives, they help shape the perception of injustice, poverty, misery and violence on the African continent, in Latin America and in Asia by means of imagery that reflects urgency.

Acid test for development organisations

The business of communication represents a challenge for development organisations. It must be repeatedly legitimised vis-a-vis politicians and the general public, at the same time attracting donations and undertaking awareness-building as an essential part of its civil society mission. To properly do justice to all these aims, organisations have invested appreciably in their communication strategies over recent years. Yet they are especially challenged when it comes to their narrative about the global South. That is where they have to pass the veritable acid test of their credibility.

The criticisms confronting development organisations in the West are many and varied. The very media-savvy activists of nowhitesaviours.org from Uganda, for example, have come forward to denounce what they see as the discriminatory representation of people from the African continent in the communications of NGOs. After a major furore, Britain’s Comic Relief had to close down their very successful fundraising campaigns which entailed celebrities appealing for donations while visiting projects in Africa. In the study entitled “Time to Decolonise Aid” published in May 2021, the authors of peacedirect do not mince their words: “Many current practices and attitudes in the aid system mirror and are derived from the colonial era, which most organisations and donors in the Global North are still reluctant to acknowledge. Certain modern-day practices and norms reinforce colonial dynamics and beliefs such as the ‘White saviour’ ideology visible in fundraising and communications imagery used by INGOs.”

Stereotypes undermine development cooperation

Stereotypical communication rooted in colonial ways of thinking – that is a damning charge levelled at the practices of development agencies. It raises critical questions about the fundamental ethical stance of organisations while also noting an inconsistency with the civil society aim of eliminating power imbalances.

With the Manifesto for Responsible Communication on International Cooperation approved in Berne on 10 September 2020, the members and partners of Alliance Sud sent a binding message. In the introduction to the manifesto the authors state self-critically: “People of the global South are often portrayed as objects and recipients of aid or support while, contrastingly, development organizations and their personnel are portrayed as active subjects and experts. (...) This often reproduces stereotypes. Paternalistic images of development convey the idea of developed countries showing underdeveloped countries how to do things properly.”

Capturing and representing entire continents and their people in images of poverty and dependency is discriminatory. It is degrading if the end effect is to lock people into the role of grateful aid recipients. It is high time for development organisations to jettison a fundraising topos carefully cultivated for many years and highly successful. The ever greater significance of communication in our global society requires that development organisations reflect even more deeply on what their own communication is achieving and its potential for helping to bring about global justice.

Communication is a programme

Climate crisis, migration, humanitarian assistance: Communication by development organisations in the information society of the 21st century is more than just corporate communication and fundraising. Its narratives actively help to shape societal change and inspire influential mindsets. It is up to development organisations to ensure that their communication is aligned with the real-life situations, philosophies and aspirations of the people being portrayed. It therefore behoves not just the operational units but also the communications departments of these organisations to embark on a theory of change process, from which to develop a results-based approach to their work on the basis of a self-reflective situation analysis. This is necessary in order to achieve the impact being pursued by the organisation as a whole.

To do justice to the complexity of the problem areas – encompassing those being portrayed as well as the recipients of the communication – these processes must take on board local players with their diversity of viewpoints, know-how and rights. Gone are the days when development agencies could take the liberty of communicating above the heads of the people who are at the centre of their civil society commitment.

Jörg Arnold is a sociologist and was head of Fundraising and Marketing at Caritas Switzerland from 2002 to 2018. He is a co-founder of Fairpicture (fairpicture.org).

global

Opinion

Switzerland – Mozambique, bad governance

06.12.2021, International cooperation

The credit scandal facilitated by Credit Suisse in Mozambique has clearly revealed to that country’s citizens the contradictory nature of Switzerland’s role in reducing poverty and inequality.

Switzerland – Mozambique, bad governance

The author, Faizal Ibramugy, is a journalist in Nampula in northern Mozambique and a media operator.

Switzerland has been cooperating with Mozambique since 1979, and as of 2012 – the year when the loans involved in the so-called “hidden debt” (dívidas ocultas" ) were negotiated – the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) has been focusing on three priority areas: besides economic development and health, also governance. The continued development of a natural resource-endowed country like Mozambique can only take place through good governance and responsible investment. This is why Swiss support in this field is welcome. However, the scandal surrounding the “hidden debt” is now undermining all its endeavours.

For years Mozambicans have been taught how to govern, how to manage public funds, how to avoid illegal and corrupt practices, which could harm the state, and how to operate transparently. This is the good governance that the Swiss have been transmitting to Mozambicans through their various interventions to further the country’s advancement. Never would Mozambicans have imagined that the economic representatives of a country that gives them lessons in the sustainable management of economic resources would make common cause with their corrupt government. Those involved defrauded the State of over 1 billion dollars, even after feasibility studies had shown that the agreed loans were not sound.

Here, the saying “do as I say but not as I do” is a perfect fit. Mozambicans were being taught not to be corrupt, but employees of Credit Suisse have clearly shown that corruption matters more to them than the transparency that is proclaimed in almost all projects and programmes funded with Swiss money.

Debt forgiveness is not enough

Now that Credit Suisse must shoulder some of the blame by paying a financial penalty of 475 million dollars to the USA and the United Kingdom and granting debt forgiveness worth 200 million dollars to Mozambique, most Mozambicans now hope that this is an opportunity to demand full debt forgiveness before the courts.

In my view however, this would be far from sufficient. Official Switzerland – which supports Mozambique’s aspiration toward the decentralised, equitable and transparent management of resources by state institutions – would moreover have to admit that their efforts of more than 40 years have made no impact. Despite major efforts, Mozambique has failed to appropriate this knowledge, just as Credit Suisse bank employees have shown themselves incapable of issuing a loan in full transparency.

A new governance handbook

Today Mozambicans are saddled with a debt that was approved by deception, in a criminal association of bankers and powerbrokers. Mozambique is confronting an unprecedented disaster, the satisfactory management of which requires not just forgiveness, but also a rethinking of the strategy for promoting good governance.

If this financial scandal that has rocked Mozambique is any indication of what the country has learned over the decades from Switzerland about governance and the management of public affairs, all I can only say is that it is worth nothing. What is urgently needed is a new handbook of governance, transparency and integrity, one that teaches Mozambicans that they themselves are at the top of government. Failing this, cooperation between Switzerland and Mozambique, which was being built on solid foundations, will degenerate into a crying shame, on the back of the “hidden debt” affair.

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