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Press release
New members strengthen Alliance Sud
24.01.2022, International cooperation
New members, a new Director and a new Presidency – all signal the dawn of a new era in the 50-year history of Alliance Sud. In the light of growing inequality and a civil society that is coming under ever greater pressure around the world, it is more crucial than ever to have a powerful voice in development policy in Switzerland.
“We are very pleased that Solidar Suisse and Terre des hommes are now two new members that will fully support our shared development endeavours”, says Markus Allemann, President of Alliance Sud and Director of Swissaid. “We are thus deepening the coordination between the leading development organizations and strengthening the voice of the Global South in Swiss politics”.
With the merger of HEKS/EPER and Bread for All at the start of the year, the Alliance Sud member-ship now comprises Swissaid, Fastenaktion, Helvetas, Caritas, Heks/Eper, Solidar Suisse and Terre des hommes. The Swiss Red Cross is also an associate member of the Berne-based association.
The new Director Andreas Missbach too will be breaking fresh ground and harnessing his extensive experience in order to forge ahead with the development of the organization: “Alliance Sud is much more than a lobby organization or an interest group”, he says. “We are a centre of excellence for issues of international cooperation and strive to ensure that Switzerland becomes ”world-compatible”. Without an economy that respects ecosystems and protects the climate system, there will be no world in which we can live; without global justice, there will be no world in which we want to live”.
Alliance Sud represents its member organizations in Parliament and vis-a-vis the Federal Administra-tion. At Alliance Sud, media representatives will find competent professionals capable of furnishing well-founded and differentiated information on matters such as sustainable development, international fiscal and financial policies, trade and climate policy, and corporate responsibility. With its magazine “global”, Alliance Sud provides background information and analyses on Swiss foreign and development policy.
Further information:
Markus Allemann, President of Alliance Sud and Director of Swissaid, Tel. +41 79 833 15 69
Andreas Missbach, Director Alliance Sud, Tel. +41 31 390 93 30
Opinion
Switzerland's contribution to saving the UN
21.06.2022, International cooperation
The war in Ukraine has compounded a crisis of values that is bound up with the political instrumentalization of the UN. Neutral countries like Switzerland should strive harder for a better world, says El Hadji Gorgui Wade Ndoye.
El Hadji Gorgui Wade Ndoye is a journalist accredited to the United Nations in Geneva, correspondent for the "Soleil" newspaper from Senegal, and Director of the Pan-African magazine ContinentPremier.com.
© zVg
The major crisis now gripping the United Nations is fundamentally an identity crisis. The universal values that brought nations together are now being tested to their limits under the pressure of militaristic thinking that is entirely divorced from the values of peace and human rights. The war in Ukraine makes this clear. On the one hand, there is a country, a permanent member of the Security Council and which, in the middle of the 21st century, attacks another country under the pretext of denazification. On the other hand, there is a western bloc that is outdoing itself at the level of rhetoric, and has committed resolutely to arming the country concerned.
Besides the climate catastrophe announced by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and confirmed in the report of 18 May published by the World Meteorological Organization, and the humanitarian and food crises, which are being managed as best as possible by a financially weak UN, the war in Ukraine has compounded most of all a crisis of values, which is bound up with the political instrumentalization of the world body. The Geneva-based Human Rights Council itself, successor to the Commission of the same name, does not always escape this instrumentalization. Yet, the United Nations was not created in 1945 on the ruins of the League of Nations based on a dualistic, Manichean worldview.
Makane Moïse Mbengue, Professor at the Faculty of Law of the University of Geneva and member of the Institute for International Law, suggests that "the discourse around the values, aims and basic principles of the United Nations should be reframed". In this context, a key role falls to the African continent, which until recently accounted for almost 70 per cent of the volume of United Nations interventions. As the first continent, and not being part of an Eastern or Western bloc, it is yet again witnessing a confrontation that has come about with the rekindling of the Cold War. As the eldest son of the earth, the continent could offer "that little something extra" to the international community. Likewise, historically neutral countries should strive harder for a better world. This also applies to Switzerland, in particular, and all the more so having just become a member of the Security Council – one of the most important of the six organs of the United Nations. As Swiss sociologist Professor Jean Ziegler reminds us: "The UN is the last line of defence before chaos."
What is Switzerland's role
June 2022 is a historic juncture for Switzerland, in that it will cease to be part of the list of 62 countries that have never sat on the Security Council. With the new trust reposed in it by the United Nations General Assembly, the Swiss Confederation, having joined the UN in 2002, could be that breath of fresh air to relations among the 15 Member States, and more particularly, the five permanent members (China, France, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom and the United States). Despite the sanctions against Russia, in which Switzerland is also participating, Switzerland's credibility and neutrality could still serve to build bridges between nations. The Swiss Confederation, in concert with other countries from the African and Latin American continents, could therefore work towards reframing the discourse in the Security Council, so that it is better aligned with the ideals of the Charter of the United Nations.
Switzerland could act as a mediator in the current war between Russia and Ukraine, being neither a member of NATO nor of the European Union. To that end, it would need to infuse its values of peace and participatory democracy into this powerful body during its two-year membership of the Council. It will be difficult, if not impossible, to abolish the veto power enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, and accorded to the five permanent members in virtue of their key role in the founding of the organization. However, together with other countries, Switzerland could draw on the resolution adopted by consensus in the General Assembly on 26 April 2022. It provides that the use of a veto would in future automatically trigger a General Assembly meeting, enabling all UN Member States to scrutinize and comment on the veto. The resolution is entitled "Standing mandate for a General Assembly debate when a veto is cast in the Security Council", and was adopted without a vote, in the wake of Russia's use of the veto in the Council the day after it invaded Ukraine, and calls for its unconditional withdrawal from the country. It signals the creation of a new means by which to exert pressure on the countries with a veto to display greater responsibility. UN Member Countries have entrusted the Council with the principal responsibility for preserving world peace and international security and have agreed that when acting on their behalf, the Council must at all times display the greatest possible sense of responsibility for realizing "the goals and principles of the Charter of the United Nations".
Is neutrality compatible with the Security Council?
Switzerland is committed to the ideals enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. Its presence in the Security Council must therefore reflect its commitment to peace and security in the world and within the world organization. The fundamental aim of Swiss neutrality is comparable to the aspiration of the United Nations inasmuch as the latter constitutes a law-based system designed to "save succeeding generations from the scourge of war". In fact it is evident that countries whose independence and impartiality vis-à-vis a conflict are beyond question, and which have no direct national interests or hidden agenda bound up with the resolution of the conflict, are predestined for the role of honest broker. The seat in the Security Council offers Switzerland new possibilities to contribute to peace, security and an equitable international order. Even if the UN has so far not fulfilled all its missions successfully, it still remains “the last line of defence before chaos”, to paraphrase John Ziegler.
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Opinion
The time is ripe for a change
03.10.2022, International cooperation
Latin America has had enough of the inequality, injustice and corruption of right-wing governments that ignore the real needs of their people, writes Guatemalan journalist Mariela Castañón.
Over recent years, left-wing governments have won elections in countries like Mexico, Bolivia, Peru, Honduras, Chile and Colombia. This reflects people’s unmistakable demand that priority be given to social policy.
There is obvious and palpable disenchantment with right-wing governments, which not only have left nothing behind for their people, but instead have plundered the public coffers to enrich themselves. Although each country has its own reasons for electing a new government, the problems plaguing us are similar. They are poverty, extreme poverty and inequality.
The corona pandemic has further compounded the problems with which we in Latin America have been grappling for decades. The collapse of health and education systems, unemployment, lack of decent housing, and food shortages – all of this makes it clear why left-wing governments are now expected to bring about change.
With uncanny regularity, the political right courts the privileged and corrupt elites, who do nothing to help the poorest in the society, but are more committed to amassing wealth for themselves and safeguarding their own interests and those of their closest cronies.
The challenge now is to bring about changes that are worthy of the name, and to ensure that the words of left-wing government representatives are followed by deeds that benefit the people – rather than by populism, demagoguery and authoritarianism, as we too have experienced it.
Nicaragua is an example of those countries under authoritarian rule where criticism is met with brutal suppression. The Nicaragua of today is no longer a shining example of identification with the Left that it once was. There are now countless people sitting in jail in Nicaragua for having rebelled against the regime of Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo; others have been forced into exile. There is simply no limit to the oppression and violence being faced by our Central American brothers and sisters. It fills us with pain to see them suffering in this way. Many other countries have also taken a similar path.
Between misgivings and hope
It is hard to predict what the Latin American Left in general is capable of, for despite the striving for change, politics remains vulnerable to unexpected developments. It is up to us to keep an eye on our elected leaders and to act as committed and responsible citizens.
It is, of course, no simple matter being engaged as a citizen, social activist or journalist in countries where oppression and violence are daily fare and where our human rights and constitutional guarantees are flouted.
In my native country Guatemala, for example, a Central American country with over 17 million inhabitants, fear is our constant companion if we speak out against the corrupt rulers or stand up in defence of the living spaces and rights of indigenous communities.
In March 2022, we learned of “Mining Secrets”, a “Green Blood” project coordinated by the “Forbidden Stories” network in cooperation with 40 journalists from around the world, and which revealed environmental scandals surrounding mining companies. Journalists who reported on popular protests against a local mining company – a subsidiary of the Solway Group, which is domiciled in Switzerland and run by Russian and Estonian nationals – were harassed by the Guatemalan authorities and persons with close links to the company.
A hacker collective calling itself “Red McCaw”, after a native parrot species, passed hundreds of documents to “Forbidden Stories”. The documents obviously originated from the subsidiary of the Solway Group, and reveal the way journalists reporting on the mining company were documented, watched and even followed around by the company’s security services.
It turned out that the company had set aside a budget for drone surveillance of the local people and journalists.
This leaked information paints a picture of impunity and protection of offenders. The abuses committed against the press, the environment and the Guatemalan people have remained without consequence.
“Mining Secrets” further revealed scientific studies and “friendships bought” with “generous” donations by the company. Also coming to light were the strategies used by the mines to drive away and stigmatise families in order to get at the iron and nickel deposits under their houses.
Without a doubt, the environmental crisis and global warming are forcing us to change our lifestyles and put an end to industrial policies that are detrimental to the environment and to the lives of the people they place at risk. In Guatemala, however, it would seem that there is still no awareness of these dangers, and the governments continue to issue licences allowing unregulated mining to continue, which soon or later will take a very heavy toll.
The integrity and life of social activists, engaged citizens and journalists are in constant danger, as public denouncement, activism and truthful and up-to-date reporting uncover the methods being deployed by powerful corporations, which often enough are protected by the very State itself. The consequences are surveillance and threats, and not infrequently, these people pay for their commitment with their lives.
Real change
As children of the Third World, we have the strength to keep fighting for our causes, and will not abandon the hope that someday there will be governments in power that place people at the centre of their social policy.
The shift towards left wing governments reflects the urgency of the situation and the desire to overcome the inequality and injustice we have inherited from right-wing governments notorious for their ineffectiveness and corruption.
It is to be hoped that the left-wing governments will reverse the policies followed by their predecessors, failing which the stage will be set for yet another disappointment for millions of people in the continent.
Latin America needs capable leaders with transparent and legitimate strategies for transforming health, education, food, security and other systems, so that the change can be worthwhile.
© Mariela Castañón
The Guatemalan journalist Mariela Castañón is Professor of Deontology of Communication at the University Rafael Landívar. This summer she was in Switzerland participating in the exchange programme of "En Quête d'Ailleurs (EQDA)".
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Global, Opinion
Sri Lanka's "Emperor without clothes"
04.10.2022, International cooperation
In mid-July, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa fled Sri Lanka like a hounded dog, but he returned at the beginning of September. For almost two decades, he and his brothers have determined the country's fate with an iron fist.
Protesters in the swimming pool of the presidential palace in Colombo after storming it in July 2022.
© KEYSTONE-SDA/EPA/CHAMILA KARUNARATHNE
By Karin Wenger
What played out at Sri Lankan President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s residence on 9 July 2022 were scenes of rage and triumph: some people splashed about in the swimming pool, others danced on the villa’s front lawn, or took a midday nap in Rajapaksa four-poster bed. Thousands invaded the residence clamouring loudly for the President’s resignation. They blame him and his family for plunging Sri Lanka into its worst economic crisis since independence in 1948.
In May, the highly-indebted country became insolvent for the first time. The result was that the government could therefore no longer afford essentials like fuel, medicines and cooking gas. People had to cook with wood, and spend endless hours in line to buy vital medicines – if they could find them. Tens of thousands poured into the streets to protest against the government and to storm the residence. Shortly thereafter, the President fled head over heels on a military jet to the Madives, then on to Singapore, where he announced that he was stepping down. It was the flight of a man and the overthrow of a ruling family that had run Sri Lanka like a family business for almost 20 years.
No dissent tolerated
I experienced Rajapaksa's arrogance first hand in 2010. Given to temper tantrums, Gotabaya was still Defence Minister at the time, his brother Mahinda had been President since 2005, while other brothers held key government positions. In May 2009, the Rajapaksas had ordered that the Tamil Tigers be crushed with the utmost brutality. By UN estimates, government troops killed some 40 000 Tamil civilians during the closing months of the fighting. Yet the Sinhalese majority population continued to revere President Mahinda and his brother Gotabaya, who had, after all, put an end to the 26-year civil war. All else seemed insignificant.
Back then, in January 2010, I was South Asia correspondent for Radio SRF and had travelled to Sri Lanka for the presidential elections. Although Mahinda Rajapaksa’s re-election was all but certain, he would still silence anyone who criticised him: the military surrounded the hotel where his political challenger Sarath Fonseka was staying; critical journalists disappeared; and Defence Minister Gotabaya threatened to burn down the building housing the opposition newspaper Lanka. On the very evening of the day when I asked two critical questions at a government press conference, a hotel staffer handed me a letter from the government: I was being expelled from the country. It was only under pressure from the international media, which had picked up the story of the deportation, that the government finally backtracked. Mahinda Rajapaksa personally invited me to lunch.
Shortly after the elections, I therefore found myself sitting with a re-elected President Mahinda Rajapaksa at a long table draped in white. Rajapaksa slurped his soup as he delivered his answers via the microphone. He jovially laughed off questions about his government's human rights abuses, answering instead: "I plan to press ahead with my country’s development, that is the top priority. I have invited all countries to invest in Sri Lanka and I want to promote tourism." But out of scepticism, many Western countries made their approval conditional on the Sri Lankan Government’s commitment to respecting human rights. China made no such demands and therefore became one of the country's leading lenders over recent years. Chinese loans paid for costly projects that did little for the country, but much more for the ego of the Rajapaksas.
Bad for Sri Lanka, good for China
With a loan from China worth over a billion US dollars, for example, the government built a deep-sea port in Hambantota, the Rajapaksa home town in the south of the country. Both western powers and India were concerned that in so doing, China was shoring up not just its economic power but also its military power in the Indian Ocean. That worry proved well-founded when, in 2017, Sri Lanka had to lease the port to China, as the government was unable to repay the billion-dollar loan. By that point, Mahinda Rajapaksa was no longer President, having lost the 2015 elections. Yet in 2019, the Rajapaksa family staged a political comeback: Gotabaya became President, and his brother Mahinda Prime Minister. In August, just weeks after Gotabaya Rajapaksa had fled the country, a Chinese military surveillance vessel, the "Yuang Wang 5", docked in Hambantota Harbour. The loan had paid off for China, but not for Sri Lanka.
In retrospect, the development of Sri Lanka, which Mahinda Rajapaksa had declared to be his priority at our luncheon 12 years ago, amounted to a sell-out of the country, and its looting by the Rajapaksa family. They were not rulers for everyone, but instead emperors without clothes.
Karin Wenger was South Asia correspondent for Radio SRF from 2009 to 2016, based in New Delhi, and South-East Asia correspondent based in Bangkok from 2016 to 2022. In the spring, she published three books about her time in Asia. www.karinwenger.ch
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global
The Alliance Sud magazine analyses and comments on Switzerland's foreign and development policies. "global" is published four times a year (in german and french) and can be subscribed to free of charge.
Global, Opinion
Spicy world politics on the Island of Grenada
16.01.2023, International cooperation
The small Caribbean island of Grenada is also called Spice Island. In the past, the French and the English fought over the island. Today, other powers are fighting to gain more influence on Grenada and thus in the world. By Karin Wenger
Carib’s Leap or Leapers’ Hill is the name of the cliff in northern Grenada from which the Caribs, the last remaining original inhabitants, hurled themselves into the ocean in 1651. Where there must have been jungle and bushes at the time, today there is a church and a commemorative plaque. Cutty, a local tour guide, has brought me here. He points to the roaring sea far below us and says: "The Caribs chose certain death over being taken prisoner and enslaved by the French colonial masters."
What led up the fatal jump is easy to explain. While Christopher Columbus still sailed past Grenada, the French recognized the island’s treasures and wanted to claim it for themselves. They bought land from the Caribs in exchange for a few knives, glass beads and alcohol. But before long, the islanders regretted the deal, attacked the French fort with bows and arrows in an attempt to drive the French from the island. Equipped with cannons and firepower, the French repelled the Caribs and drove them all the way to the north, to the edge of the cliff and to their death.
Colonial past
Today, the small Caribbean island of Grenada is no more than a one-day excursion for many cruise passengers – they visit waterfalls, buy nutmeg, vanilla, cinnamon and rum, then move on to the next sunny destination. Grenada’s colonial past and that of the other Caribbean islands is forgotten. Forgotten is the bloody heritage of the Europeans, who were still major powers at the time, dividing up the world amongst themselves. Grenada too, changed hands between the French and the British. In the late 18th century, the British brought a large number of people from Africa and forced them to work as slaves on sugar plantations. Today, more than 80 per cent of the population are direct descendants of these slaves. It was also British traders who, in the mid-19th century, brought nutmeg from Indonesia to Grenada and began growing it here.
Grenada currently produces 20 per cent of the world's supply of nutmeg, making it the world's second largest nutmeg producer after Indonesia. "Today, Europeans come here because of our spices, our nutmeg. European colonial rule has long ended, today there are others fighting over us and trying to colonize us," says Cutty, pointing to the cricket stadium which we have now reached, and which Chinese workers started building in 2005, with Chinese money. "We call it the Chinese bribe. Projects funded by China, so that we vote for China and against Taiwan at the United Nations."
Cold War
Today, like yesterday and beyond, Grenada is at the centre of geopolitical squabbling; it is being kicked around like a football by major powers. No longer are France and England in the forward positions, instead, it is China and the USA. In this game, China is venturing ever farther into America's backyard, to which several Caribbean countries belong, including Grenada. Even today, two plane wrecks at the old airport bear witness to Grenada’s importance to the USA during the Cold War. At the time, on 25 October 1983, one week after a military coup on the island, Ronald Reagan sent 8,000 American soldiers to Grenada. Officially, their mission was to protect American students at St George's University, but even then, it was already about something different. It was the Cold War, and Reagan feared that the putschists would side with Cuba. The US troops therefore deposed the putschists, and a pro-US civilian government took power.
Selling out to China
China does not send soldiers, but money, workers and covert diplomats. Construction work on the cricket stadium was completed in 2007. The Chinese Ambassador arrived for the inauguration ceremony, but instead of the Chinese national anthem, Grenada’s police orchestra played the Taiwanese national anthem…a mistake and political faux pas, which cost the orchestra director his job. After a brief period of awkward political relations, other Chinese projects followed the building of the stadium: residential settlements, agricultural aid, and currently, expansion work on Grenada’s new airport, paid for with a Chinese loan of over USD 60 million. Cutty the tour guide is worried that China will simply appropriate land or the airport if Grenada is unable to repay the loan – for the island nation is not rich.
Diplomatic mercenary
Is Grenada selling itself out? It seemed that way, at least until recently. Grenada also sells citizenship. Since 2016, foreigners have been able to legally purchase Grenadian citizenship under the "Grenada Citizenship by Investment" programme for at least USD 150,000, which allowed them visa-free travel in the Schengen area for example. By this means, Chinese national, Yuchen (Justin) Sun, became a Grenadian citizen – and more. The world-renowned Chinese cryptocurrency and blockchain entrepreneur was appointed Grenada’s Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in Geneva last December. The fact that it was never entirely clear which interests he was representing – his personal business interests, Chinese, or Grenadian State interests – seemed not to bother the Government of Grenada. Nor was it troubled by the fact that there were several charges hanging over Sun in the USA, including money-laundering, and violation of the regulations of the Securities and Exchange Commission and of the tax authorities. Since his appointment as Grenada’s representative to the WTO, Switzerland has withdrawn the legitimation card, for mixing personal business dealings with diplomacy. That ended his diplomatic immunity, his right of residence in Switzerland, and also the possible purchase of a house in Switzerland. Yet, Sun is no exception in Grenada’s diplomatic circles – dozens of Chinese nationals are travelling around the world as diplomats of the small island nation. According to several media reports, they have all bought their diplomatic passports. In return, Grenada has become pro-China, has committed to the One China policy and severed ties with Taiwan.
New government, new hope
It would seem that many in Grenada no longer want to see their own government selling out their small Caribbean country, so that major powers can use the island for their geopolitical games. This was certainly one of the reasons why Prime Minister Keith Mitchell was voted out of office in elections held in late June 2022. The 75-year-old politician had held the reins of power for 23 years and been running Grenada more and more like a family business. It seems a universal principle that whoever stays in power for too long becomes greedy. The new Prime Minister, Dickon Mitchell, has pledged to fight corruption and announced an end to the sale of diplomatic passports to foreign nationals. Tourist guide Cutty says: “We are pinning our hopes on Mitchell, the island’s best advocate." The 44-year-old now plans to work to advance the interests of his homeland and all its citizens. He has already announced his intention to recall all ambassadors and introduce new policy priorities. In his address to the United Nations General Assembly in September, he named one first priority: that of climate change. It is likely that the Chinese diplomats who have so far pretended to be serving Grenada will now have to look around for new occupation.
Karin Wenger
The author: Karin Wenger
Karin Wenger was South Asia and South-East Asia correspondent for Swiss Radio SRF from 2009 to 2022, based in New Delhi and Bangkok. In the spring, she published three books about her time in Asia. Since summer, she has been sailing the world’s oceans and writing about forgotten political events and conflicts in the Global South. For more information, see www.karinwenger.ch or www.sailingmabul.com
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global
The Alliance Sud magazine analyses and comments on Switzerland's foreign and development policies. "global" is published four times a year (in german and french) and can be subscribed to free of charge.
Article
Focus on effective development cooperation
19.03.2023, International cooperation
Switzerland co-chaired the Global Partnership for Effective Development Cooperation (GPEDC) from 2019 to 2022. The international summit held in Geneva from 12 to 14 December 2022 was a high point. Alliance Sud attended the summit.
The Global Partnership was established in 2011 in Busan (Korea) in order to "maximize the effectiveness of all forms of cooperation for development for the shared benefit of people, planet, prosperity and peace". Its structure is unique: whereas in most international fora it is mainly country representatives who meet for discussions, the GPEDC also brings together ministers, parliamentarians, local government representatives, civil society, business, foundations and trade unions, as well as bilateral and multilateral development organisations from 161 countries. Together, they keep up the dialogue on effective development cooperation and also draft guidelines and recommendations. The GPEDC regularly monitors whether all parties are observing the principles of effective development cooperation.
But what is really happening?
While everyone at the Geneva Summit seemed to concur that the agreed principles of effective development cooperation are still of central importance today, regrettably, implementation is poor, as underscored by several of the speakers. Raj Kumar, CEO of the information portal Devex, recalled the first GPEDC meeting in Busan, which was aiming for a complete transformation of the development sector – from top-down project-based development cooperation to bottom-up systemic development cooperation – and was hence critical of the scant progress made.
According to the latest GPEDC Monitoring Round a declining trend can be observed in the key area of country ownership – while more recipient countries have set their own development strategies and improved their administrative systems in pursuit of their development goals, the use of national systems by donor countries is declining. In addition, an analysis of official OECD Development Assistance Committee (OECD DAC) data shows that in 2020, only about a third of all development funding was managed by governments, private enterprises or NGOs from partner countries. The remaining funds were managed by governments, NGOs and private enterprises from donor countries, as well as by multilateral institutions.
A further challenge is the increasing fragmentation of the development landscape, as identified in a recent World Bank study, which was also presented at the GPEDC Summit. The study concludes that between 2000 and 2020, the number of official development players (bilateral and multilateral development agencies, development banks, etc.) rose from 212 to 544, while the size of individual financial transactions contracted by a third. What this means for recipient countries, is that on average they are now dealing with 150 different agencies (in Ethiopia, for example, that number even surpasses 200). Not only does this place a substantial administrative burden on recipient countries (especially as most donors do not process their transactions through the national systems, instead imposing their own individual administrative requirements), but also constitutes a major problem of coordination among the donors themselves.
While the development landscape continues to fragment, one player that is much hyped rhetorically – the private sector – seems to be largely absent. Raj Kumar pointed out, for example, that in 2019, only about 2% of all development funds went into "new and innovative financing instruments" to cooperate with the private sector. In Geneva, too, private sector representatives were few and far between.
New momentum or empty rhetoric?
The Geneva conference ended with the adoption of a wide-ranging, 15-page declaration. Not only does the document pinpoint the many and varied global crises currently confronting the world – from the climate crisis to the rise of autocracies and the concomitant "shrinking space", to the looming debt crisis – but also addresses today’s changing and ever more fragmented development system. Several international promises are also renewed – including that of allocating at least 0.7% of Gross National Income (GNI) to international cooperation – and new promises are added, such as the will to jointly combat corruption, illicit financial flows and shrinking space, or to focus international cooperation as a whole more on the poorest and most vulnerable target groups (in keeping with the ‘leave no-one behind’ principle).
All this sounds wonderful, but the world is not short of fine words and declarations – as aptly stated by Susanna Moorehead, Chair of the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) of the OECD, who recently acknowledged: "If we are serious about effective development cooperation, we should start by implementing our recommendations." The new monitoring framework also adopted by the GPEDC summit is at least an initial step in the right direction, being designed to help recipient countries better gauge implementation of the effectiveness principles. Donor country profiles will now also be drawn up, showing how donors incorporate the principles into their international cooperation. Pursuant to the Kampala Principles, the effectiveness of private sector instruments is also to be more closely assessed. It remains to be seen what momentum these new departures will generate and whether they can help render existing international cooperation more effective.
An opportunity for Switzerland?
Despite chairing the GPEDC and hosting the conference in Geneva, the principles of effectiveness so far seem to be leading a rather shadowy existence in Switzerland. The current International Cooperation Strategy 2021-2024 mentions neither the Global Partnership nor the principles of effective development cooperation and, for the most part, they are also conspicuously absent from general SDC and SECO communication. The forthcoming adoption of the new International Cooperation Strategy 2025-2028 would be a good opportunity to follow the fine words from Geneva with real action and to align international cooperation as a whole (including the new private sector instruments) with the principles of effectiveness and to resolutely place the poorest and most vulnerable people at the centre of the debate.
The four principles of effective development cooperation
a) Country ownership of development priorities: Each country should set its own development priorities, and all development organisations should be guided by them. Whenever possible, development agencies should use country-specific systems for awarding contracts and managing finances. Development funds should not be tied to conditions that favour companies, goods or services from donor countries ('tied aid').
b) Focus on results: All development activities should help alleviate poverty, contribute to the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and to capacity building in recipient countries. In so doing, they should be guided by scientific evidence and encourage regular impact measurement, whereby access to high-quality data also plays a key role.
c) Inclusive development partnerships: Development cooperation should follow a "whole of society approach" and wherever possible include and bring together a variety of players (governments, parliaments, civil society, private sector, academia, etc.).
d) Transparency and mutual accountability: Both donor and recipient countries commit to transparent communication regarding financial flows and development outcomes, with a special role being assigned to national parliaments and civil society participation.
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